
On the Search for Divine
Revelation Outside of It
By Rashid Shaz
Divine revelation is a definite and self-contained entity. Even after its
revelation if supplementary materials for human guidance are needed then it
would be considered a lack or an inadequacy of the divine revelation. At all
places in the Qur'an where divine guidance has been alluded to, it has been
clarified beyond doubt that whenever such guidance was sent, it was sent in the
most comprehensive form, including all details related to it. Verses like
ثم آتينا موسى الكتاب
تماماً (Al- Ina’m: 154) and
وكتبنا له في
الألواح من كل شئي موعظة و تفصيلا لكل شئي
(Al- A’raf: 145), in fact, point to the fact that after the revelation of Torah,
the Israelites did not need any other supplementary sources for their guidance.
The attitude of the Qur'an towards its addressee, as evidenced in verses like – افغير الله ابتغى
حكما وهو الذي أنزل إليكم الكتاب مفصلاَ(Al-
Ina’m: 115) is a pointer to its nature of being complete, comprehensive and
definitive. Be they the Divine scrolls revealed to earlier prophets or the
Qur'an revealed to Prophet Muhammad, if they do not have the status of being the
primary and seminal sources of guidance, then they raise questions about the
very nature of the divine revelation. As the Qur'an is the final document in the
chain of divine revelations, it has the status of the guide to humanity after
the Prophet. This is the reason why it includes the wisdom revealed to the past
prophets. The style of the Qur'an at numerous places aims at teaching lessons to
the present community through the narration of the stories of the earlier
communities. These parables provide them the guidance to lead life righteously.
وما كان هذا
القرآن أن يفترى من دون الله ولكن تصديق الذي بين يديه وتفصيل الكتب لا ريب فيه من
رب العالمين (Yunus: 37).
The allusions in the Qur'an to the earlier prophets and their descriptions
should be seen in their historical perspective. The Israelites who are known to
have built a thick barrier of interpretive literature around the Divine
Revelation, and who have piled up so much ancillary sources of elucidation and
interpretation around Talmud that practically the Pentateuch has been
overshadowed by them in matters of providing guidance to the community. They are
among the people who have been given
احسن تفصيلاَ لكل شئي
But they considered the Divine Book inadequate and built a veritable jungle of
interpretive literature around it. As a result they strayed from the path of
Divine guidance and began to follow the judgment of the people. Despite having a
comprehensive Book (
كتاباً تفصيلاً)
among them, the search for divine revelations outside it was a pursuit that,
despite their deep religiosity, led the Israelites to a dead end. The frequent
allusions in the Qur'an about the comprehensive Book in the context of the past
communities and then drawing attention of the Muslims to the fact that the most
comprehensive Book has been revealed to the Prophet are meant to forewarn them
about this danger lest they also, at some particular moment of their history,
begin to consider this comprehensive and clear Book as inadequate, and like the
rabbis and Pharisees of the earlier communities, the scholars of Islam build a
similar barrier of interpretive and elucidatory literature around the Divine
Revelation.
The way the Qur'an reprimands the earlier communities for their deviation
from the true religious path and aberrations in their thoughts makes it amply
clear that deviation in religion emanates from misguided religious thinking. It
is not possible for the clergy to become deities or prophets or lawgivers
without according a high status to history and interpretation. If history takes
the place of Divine Revelation or takes precedence over it, in both these cases
the clergy usurps the right to explain and interpret Divine Revelation. When the
Israeli rabbis attempt to derive laws from the sayings of the elders ignoring
the commandments in Pentateuch, they, in fact, accord history as holy a status
as the Divine Revelation, through their interpretation. This barrier of history
around the Divine Revelation in the context of the earlier prophets has come
under discussion in the Qur'an that regards it as a serious aberration.[1]
If one comes to think of it, in history, the harm caused by the so-called
religious thinking to religion has been greater than that caused by any
non-religious or oppositional, even inimical thinking. History can thickly
overlay Divine Revelation, and if it wears the cloak of holiness, it can strike
Divine Revelation from within. While those who make opposition to Divine
Revelation their main objective, operate from outside the bounds of history.
They either get marginalised on the periphery of history or history itself
throws them in a morgue like a paralysed part where, despite all their
historical importance, they get frozen in the trashcan of history. However,
sacred history that strikes Divine Revelation from within and, despite the
presence of the Divine Text, creates a wedge of interpretation and elucidation
around it that makes Divine Revelation almost redundant. Like the earlier
communities, if Muslims of today have started regarding the Qur'an as a book of
holy practices rather than the Book of Guidance, its main reason is the attack
of the sacred history from within.
For common people, the personality of the Prophet is something of a paradox and
its balanced assessment is not possible without the strictest scrutiny of the
Divine Revelation. To accept a person just like oneself as a prophet demands an
extraordinary intellectual leap. It is like walking on a bridge thinner than
hair and sharper than a sword. The acceptance or denial of the Prophet is such a
thin line that determines the birth of two communities. The Prophet is neither
absolutely human nor angelic. Those who are ready to recognise only his human
aspects deny his apostleship, and those who regard him as purely angelic
exaggerate this particular aspect of his personality and, in a way, defeat the
very purpose of apostleship. Between these two extremes of denial (kufr)
and associationsim or polytheism (shirk), the recognition of the Prophet
is an extremely delicate task, and it is not always possible for societies to do
it properly in all situations. It is not at all surprising if the events
surrounding a person with whom God may be in dialogue, or on whom His message is
revealed, and whose existence defines the relationship between the heavens and
the earth, take on the aspect of holiness and forms a sacred history in the
succeeding years.
History has its own temptations, especially the history which defines the
relationship between the heavens and the earth, or which encompasses the
occasions and circumstances of Divine Revelation. It is neither possible for the
believers to regard them as mere facts of history and read them as such, nor is
it desirable on an emotional or conscious level. The way the lofty attributes of
the Prophet have been mentioned in the Qur'an [محمد
رسول الله والذين معه
(Al- Fatah: 29)]
strengthens the belief that it is not a common history, but the sayings of those
great human beings whose lofty and sacred attributes have provided a successful
model for the future. However, the role human perception plays in awarding a
particular status to history and investing it with sacred and angelic qualities,
so that it serves as a model, makes a great difference because the human
perception or human recording of history cannot be equated with Divine
perception or Revelatory truth. The earlier communities had committed the same
mistake regarding the historical accounts and practices of their prophets.
Rather than depending solely on Divine information regarding the Divine
Revelation, they accorded human history an immutable and sacred status, paving
the way for the substitution of Divine Revelation with human history.
The Israelites not only accorded the times and practices of Moses the status of
sacred history, regarding them as oral Divine Revelation as opposed to the
written Divine Revelation of Moses. They went still further and gave currency to
the belief that the written Divine Revelations can be properly understood only
through the oral Divine Revelations. Thus, history was not only equated with
Divine Revelation, but got precedence over it in matters of interpretation and
elucidation. Christ who had come basically to retrieve the lost sheep of the
Israelites and who was greatly upset by the spectacle of meaningless debates
among the rabbis and Pharisees on matters of Jurisprudence considered the
barrier of interpretive literature around Torah to be a rejection of the Book
itself. Criticising the attitude of the Pharisees towards religion when Christ
said, “They sift flies and swallow camels”[2]
he was, in fact, referring to the particular juristic school of human judgements
(aara al-rijal) that had almost rejected Torah in preference to times and
practices of the prophet of the time. Christ’s call to true religion created a
stir in the still and stagnant pool of the religious thinking of the Israelites.
However, in the subsequent years, when this call changed its tone and tenor in
the hands of his followers because of the changing political and evangelical
configurations, when he began to be seen as Prophet for the whole world instead
of a bringer of glad tidings and counsellor to the Israelites. For the
Israelites only, and when, far away from the practices of Bethlehem and
Jerusalem, the followers of Christ spread to different corners of the world for
evangelical purposes, then the practices and days of Christ assumed as much
importance as the message of Christ. Christ’s teachings based on Divine
Revelation got mixed up with his times and practices in such a way that what to
speak of separating them from one another, a new belief was formed with
reference to the Word of God that Christ himself was the very embodiment of the
Divine Revelation and that as long as he lived on the earth, every moment that
he spent, every act that he did, every message that he transmitted, and every
policy that he undertook was guided by it. As for their historical
consciousness, the Israelites regarded themselves as a community that had a deep
sense of the importance of history. It has been their strong belief that as the
followers of Torah, they have a special place in the Divine scheme of things.
They believe that they took upon themselves the responsibility of Torah at a
moment when all other communities, because of their deplorable state, were not
ready to accept this responsibility. The awareness of this special status
actuated the Israelites not only to make all possible efforts to preserve their
history, but also accorded it a much higher status than it deserves. Christ
himself was the severest critic of such a view of history that invests it with
holiness, and he passed the strongest strictures on historical jurisprudence and
rabbinic laws. What is surprising is that his followers not only placed history
and Divine Revelation on the same footing, but went a step further and conferred
on history the status of the Divine Revelation. It might be that Christ’s
companions did not write the testaments from this angle of holy history, in
practice, however, these books are now read not as books of history but as books
of Divine Revelation, or at least, as the genuine manifestations of Divine
Revelation. In this continuum, if the times and practices of Prophet Muhammad
are accorded a sacred status, or like the earlier communities, if the followers
of Prophet Muhammad begin to see wahi ghair matlu in his sayings and
practices, it will simply be an extension of the deviant historical attitude
coming down from the earlier ages.
The age of Prophet Muhammad with all its circumstances and ethos is certainly
very important. However, unlike Moses or Christ or other prophets who were sent
to particular communities or regions, the apostleship of Muhammad was meant for
the whole universe and, as the last and final Prophet, his teachings were to be
valid till doomsday. If the Prophet who was meant for the whole humanity and
whose status was to remain intact till the Final Hour is seen merely as a
historical character, limited by time and space, and if the cultural
manifestations around him are considered to have impact on the model or sunnah
provided by him, then it is quite natural that questions would be raised about
his mission that transcends history. Then one cannot deny the truth that however
much we accord the times and practices of the Prophet the status of history or
sacred history and follow it reverentially or regard it as a precedent, a return
to the age and time of the Prophet is not possible for us on a historical plane.
Whether the age of the Prophet is equated with Divine Revelation or whether it
is regarded as pure history, on the levels of both emotion and intellect, we can
only do this much that we put the seal of our belief on the information coming
to us after being filtered through history. However, it would be essential for
those who want to see Muhammad as the Prophet of the present and the future,
beyond the confining bounds of time and space, that rather than depending on
human sources and human perceptions regarding the Prophet’s time and his
practices, they should seek guidance from the Divine Revelation itself, where
his (Prophet’s) teachings and practices would be found here and there like
sparks of authentic history. A history that is not simply fossilized information
but that contains intimations for the future.
For the followers of Christ there is no other option except looking for Divine
Revelation in the times and practices of Christ. However, for us it is possible
to see a reflection of the Divine Revelation in the times and practices of
Muhammad. There is a world of difference between the two. While the former
represents a human effort to reclaim Divine Revelation through history, while
the latter represents the timeless grandeur of the days and practices of the
Prophet through the Divine Revelation. For the believers, information about the
days and practices and the ways of its creative vision are important because in
the affairs of daily life and in matters of safeguarding the Divine Revelation,
the model provided by the Prophet is our only guide. In our quest for this
model, it would be unreasonable for us to follow principles devised by human
beings rather than the authentic sources provided by the Divine Revelation. This
is also due to the fact that the act of recreating history through a historical
process lands us into the dangerous waters of historiography. In the context of
the extremely seminal nature of the Prophet’s age, we can say it with utmost
certainty that no historical principle or historical narration has the power to
encompass or manifest for us the days of the Prophet in all their dimensions. We
should not forget that history is after all history, and it cannot be given the
status of Divine Revelation. Moreover, no method of historiography can have the
range and breadth to record all the details of the days and nights, of each
moment that had the dimension of ages, in all its aspects. Tomes of history or
biography can at best make a catalogue of important or semi-important events.
But who would decide which particular moments were important in the long span of
twenty-three years? The process of recreating history through history can
provide us, at best, a collective, vague and rather inadequate record of the
time, and that is all. Thus, there is no other option left to us except for
striving to conceive the days and practices of the Prophet in the light of the
Qur'an rather than history. Undoubtedly, it is such a Book where we not only
find the quotidian of the Prophet in all their dimensions, but also the
significant moments of earlier prophets and the grandeur of earlier Divine
revelations. Despite the presence of an immortal and immutable model provided by
the Prophet, our great dependence on human history is fraught with the danger
that the personality of the Prophet might get lost in the image of the
historical person. The presence of the Qur'an in undiluted form amongst us and
the universal and timeless nature of Prophet Muhammad’s mission demand that,
unlike the earlier communities, we must try to trace the days and practices of
the Prophet beyond the normal historical process and transcending its bounds. It
can be possible only when we are able to see the Prophet’s period not simply as
a historical chronology but as archetypal history. Otherwise, like the earlier
communities, our quest for the model would also be reduced to a mere study of
history, a history that, for its own authentication, is dependent on a weak
source like itself, i.e., history.
In the light of the complacency that had developed among the earlier communities
about the days and practices of their prophets as a result of which history was
regarded as the genuine interpreter of the Divine Revelation, or the Divine
Revelation itself, the first generation of Muslims had adopted an attitude of
extreme caution towards history. They knew that the extraordinary emotional
attachment of the followers to the days and practices of their prophets have
often led to aberrations in the world of thought in different communities. The
straying away of the Israelites in their religious thought and their assertion
that in addition to the written Torah, Moses was also given an oral Torah on the
Mount Sinai that had travelled orally from generation to generation through the
prophets, scholars and elders, were facts that the first generation Muslims were
fully aware of. To give Mishnah and Gemarah the status of written documents for
the oral Torah, and to regard the interpretation of Torah through them to be
authentic had become such an accepted and valid principle that in practical
terms the Pentateuch had remained beyond common people’s access. Its status was
largely that of a book of benedictions; Talmud was considered a sufficient guide
in the conduct of practical life. Apart from the genuine Divine Revelation, the
presence of this interpretive and elucidatory literature that came to be
regarded as a substitute for Divine Revelation, led not only to the distortion
of the essence of Divine Revelation but also resulted in the fossilization of
religious thinking altogether. The strictest strictures that the Qur'an levelled
on this intellectual stagnation and religious aberration had forewarned the
first generation of Muslims and they were extremely careful. To resist any kind
of religious aberration through religion the four caliphs and the Prophet's
Companions displayed extreme caution and vigilance, and intellectual alertness.
Their efforts were successful to a large extent as today in the huge corpus of
hadith literature one cannot pinpoint even a few sayings of the prophet in
verbatim, with all its linguistic and spatial dimensions, that can stand the
test of historical enquiry or can be called authentic in the truest sense of the
term or can be regarded as really “uninterrupted” (mutawatir) where an
entire generation transmits openly and without any reservation to another
generation. In this sense, it should be regarded as a considerable achievement
on the part of the first generation of Muslims that despite their strongest
attachment to the person of the Prophet, they realised the danger of religious
aberrations in future and, to a great extent, restricted the growth of a
possible “Mishanh” or “Gemarrah” in the religion of Muhammad.
Apparently, it seems surprising that the band of holy men who sacrificed
everything for the Prophet’s mission on earth, who considered his presence among
them to be an extraordinary moment in human history, and who, on the day of his
death, felt that the relationship between the heavens and the earth had severed
for ever, should, despite their strong attachment to the Prophet, not allow his
days and practices to overshadow Divine Revelation and thus protect it from any
sort of distortion. As a matter of fact, the notion of a non-sacred history was
propagated by the Prophet himself. The Prophet who took utmost precaution in
compiling the Qur'an, and who saw to it that it remained protected both in the
oral and the written form, had issued the strong instruction:
لا تكتبوا عنّي غير
القرآن و من كتب عني شيئاَ فليمحه
(recorded in
Muslim). One consequence of this strong attitude of the Prophet was that his
closest Companions, especially Omar, would always say, “حسبنا
كتاب الله”, even though it
was not possible for the Prophet's Companions to completely ignore his days and
practices on an emotional level. It is said that Abu Bakr had made a compilation
of about five hundred traditions of the Prophet. Which compilation of the
Prophet’s traditions could be more genuine than the one done by the closest and
the earliest of his Companions? But Abu Bakr made the painful decision to
rescind it for the specific reason that in future it might not acquire the
status of another Mishnah.
The first generation of Muslims regarded history as history. After serious
reflection and analysis Abu Bakr had reached the conclusion that there might be
an utterance by the Prophet in his compilation that the listener might not have
heard properly or might have misunderstood, or its real import could not have
been understood for lack of availability of the specific context in which the
utterance was made. This critical attitude towards history compelled him to
rescind the most valuable compilation of the utterances of the last Prophet. In
the early days of Islam, due to large-scale copying of the Qur'an, its
memorisation that was very common among people, the availability of the master
copy of the Qur'an, and the easy accessibility of the sacred text within covers,
it was hardly likely that the compilation by Abu Bakr would acquire the status
of a kind of secondary Divine Revelation. However, Abu Bakr was so careful about
history that he did not want to lay himself open to such a possibility, however
remote, lest it was taken to be the only genuine source of interpretation of the
religion in the coming years. Voicing this apprehension he had said, “There may
be something in these practices and utterances that the Prophet had not said
quite the same way, or at least, meant the same way as it had been understood
(by the reporters)”. While discarding the most valuable possession of his life,
Abu Bakr’s notion of history was his only help and guide. He knew that despite
the historical, interpretive and scholarly importance of his compilation, its
absence would not result in any kind of distortion in the religion. In the words
of Zahbi, “Hazrat Abu Bakr publicly exhorted the people that they should not
report anything from the Prophet.”
Abu Bakr was not alone in protecting and propagating the Islamic notion of
history. Caliph Omar, too, tried to stop the reporting of the Prophet’s
utterances. It is said that in the beginning Omar had decided to compile a
volume of the Prophet’s utterances and practices, but soon he also, like Abu
bakr, reached the conclusion that such a compilation of the Prophet’s sunnah
would open the door for religious deviations to which the earlier communities
had fallen victims. He felt that any such compilation of the Prophet’s sunnah
would soon acquire the status of a sacred book and, in the place of history, if
the sunnah began to be regarded as Divine Revelation or similar to Divine
Revelation, then it would affect the status of the Qur'an as the seminal,
definitive and the basic Book. Omar who, in comparison with other Companions of
the Prophet, was more aware of the religious heritage of the Israelites, did not
want to risk the appearance of a Mishnah in the religion of Muhammad. In his
words, “اني كنت
اردت أن اكتب السنن و أني ذكرت قوما كانوا قبلكم كتبوا كتاباً فأكتبوا عليها وتركوا
كتابا الله واني والله لا البس كتابا الله شئي”
It is not only that Omar discarded the idea of compiling the Prophet’s saying at
an administrative level, but also instructed other transmitters of traditions to
take extreme caution and care. Some historians have even recorded the fact that
when Omar came to know that people had recorded the sayings of the Prophet in
writing, he had them brought to him and burnt them[3].
As a matter of fact, if Abu Bakr’s compilation of the Prophet’s traditions or a
compilation by Omar done under the supervision of the central government and in
the presence of the elderly Companions of the Prophet, had come into existence,
then it would have been not only more authentic because of the chronological
proximity with the Prophet’s age, but because of being put together under the
central authority of the Caliphate. For these reasons, it would have enjoyed
higher credibility and wide acceptability too. On the one hand, these
circumstances could have conferred on it historical authenticity; but on the
other, the same circumstances would have been considered sufficient to accord it
a status similar to that of the Divine Revelation. The earlier communities had
strayed exactly in this way through compilations like Mishanah and Gemarrah.
Realising this danger, Omar had adopted a stern attitude towards history.
For those who were close to the Prophet, what could be more pleasurable to them
than the memory of those days when Allah’s Prophet was present with them, and of
those assemblies where the Prophet was the centre of attraction? However, it was
more important to safeguard the religion from all potential sources of danger in
future. That is why the caliph of the period discouraged people from excessive
reporting of the Prophet’s traditions. This difference between history and
Divine Revelation was so clear in the mind of Omar that while sending Qarza bin
Ka’b in Iraq he instructed him in clear words not to overburden people with the
knowledge of Prophetic traditions lest they got alienated from the Qur'an.[4]
Qarza recorded that after that day he had never narrated any tradition. It is
said that once when he saw Abi bin Ka’b narrating a tradition he went over to
him with a whip to reprimand him.[5]
It is recorded in the books of history that Omar had forbidden some of the
venerable Companions of the Prophet like Abdullah bin and Abuzar from reporting
traditions, in the strongest terms[6].
It has been recorded in some reports that Omar had imprisoned Ibn Mas’ud, Abi
Darda and Abu Mas’ud Ansari for the simple reason that they were found guilty of
excessive reporting of the Prophet’s traditions.[7]
The Madina of the four venerable caliphs witnessed the glorious tradition of
referring to the Book of Allah for guidance. There, the Prophet's Companions’
notion of history developed in the light of the Divine Revelation under the
personal guidance of the Prophet and the possibility of the emergence of a new
Mishnah was rather remote. Despite this if the venerable caliphs did not show
any flexibility in their vigilant and cautious view of history, the reason for
this was that, apart from the Qur'an, they did not want to establish any other
model or framework based on the Prophet’s utterances which, because of its
interpretive merits and the sacredness attached to it, could ever pave the way
for a Mishnaic literature. It is said that once Ali’s son, Muhammad, wanted to
present two written pages that he had taken from his father to Othman that,
according to his report, contained commands about zakah attributed to the
Prophet. Othman’s reported reply was, “I do not want to associate myself with
this ….”[8]
The Prophet’s people regarded history as mere history. They were not ready to
regard it as an aid to interpretation or elucidation, because according to them,
every effort of interpreting Divine Revelation should emanate from within it
which they considered the source of the authentic and immutable Prophetic model.
That is why when the Prophet's Companions departed from this world one after
another, none of them dared to leave behind him any compilation of the
utterances and practices of the Prophet for the community.[9]
Among the first generation of Muslims, the differing notions of history and
Divine Revelation were so clear and strong that any information coming through
history, even if it was presented as the Prophet’s utterance was not acceptable
to them merely because it was attributed to the Prophet. It is said that when
Mahmood Ansari narrated the tradition that whoever said “لا
اله الا الله” would never
be sent to hell, Ayyub Ansari responded immediately by saying, “I do not think
that the Prophet ever said any such thing.”[10]
Similarly, the report by Fatima, daughter of Qais, that the responsibility for
providing accommodation and maintenance for a divorced wife does not fall on the
husband, was not acceptable to Omar as this statement, attributed to the
Prophet, could not be corroborated by any evidence from the Qur'an. Omar’s view
was, “How can accept the report of a woman for which there is no justification
in the Qur'an? One does not know whether she has remembered it rightly or not.”
Ayesha’s strong criticism and comments on the reports by the Prophet's
Companions regarding the Prophet’s utterances also point to the fact that the
first generation of Muslims were aware of the constructive principles of history
and adhered to them. Rather, in view of the extraordinary importance of the
Prophet’s age, they displayed utmost caution and circumspection in their
critique of history. It has been recorded in Sahih that once Abdullah bin
Abbas was copying down the text of a decision taken by Ali. He would omit words
at places and say, “By Allah, Ali must not have taken such a decision.”
Similarly, Abu Huraira’s report that one loses purity acquired through ablution
(wazu) if he comes in contact with something touched by fire was not
acceptable to him. Likewise, when the report… Badr through Ibn Omar that the
dead can hear reached Ayesha she exclaimed, “May Allah have mercy on Ibn Omar!”
It said clearly in the Qur'an –
إنك لا تسمع الموتى و ما
انت بسمع من في القبورIt is
said that Ayesha had immediately rejected the report that the dead are subjected
to punishment if the members of the family mourn them volubly. She offered the
following verse of the Qur'an in support of her view:
لا تزر وازرة وزر اخرى
Similarly, when some
people began to narrate exaggerated reports relating to the Prophet’s meeting
with or sighting of Allah, she rejected all of them with reference to the
following Quranic verse:
لا يدركه الأبصار
The Prophet's Companions were aware of the fact that the realisation of the
Divine Revelation on the basis of which the foundation of the future Muslim
society was to be laid had already been preserved in the form of the Book within
covers, and that history, despite all its positive ramifications, is but mere
history. To regard it as the key to understanding and interpreting an absolute
and definitive entity like the Divine Revelation would open the doors to many
other complications. Because of their deep sense of responsibility, the
Companions of the Prophet would often tremble while reporting the Prophet’s
utterances or narrating his sayings or practices. It is said that when Abdur
rahman bin Abi laila had requested Zaid bin Arqam to narrate some tradition of
the Prophet, Zaid response was: “I have grown old and do not remember correctly.
It is such an onerous task to narrate the traditions of the Prophet.” Those who
narrated any utterances attributed to the Prophet or any interpretation of them
did not find themselves capable of the historical responsibility of such an act.
It is said that on the request of Emir Muaviah, Zaid bin Sabit narrated to him a
tradition of the Prophet, but when he saw that Muaviah was making arrangement to
have it written down, Zaid took it from him and wiped out the text. He
reprimanded Muaviah by saying that it was Prophet’s instruction that his
traditions should not be written down.[11]
It is said that when the disciples of Abu Sai’d Khadri had requested him to have
some traditions written down, he responded as follows: “The way we had heard and
internalised the traditions from the Prophet orally, you should also do the
same.” Abu huraira also held the same view.[12]
In matters of historiography, the first generation of Muslims were fully aware
of the fact that even if some misreporting took place in the process of oral
narration of the Prophet’s sayings and practices, it would soon vanish. But if
the sayings and practices were recorded in the written form, such misreporting
of history regarding the sayings of the Prophet would perpetuate forever. That
is why, firstly, they took extraordinary care in the narration of the Prophet’s
sayings, and secondly, they tried their best that no compilation of his sayings
and practices should take the form of a written document.[13]
History vs. Divine Revelation
AS long as the collective identity of the community of Muslims was
protected, the dividing line between history and Divine Revelation was very
clear in the mind of the common people. However, after the martyrdom of Othman,
the Muslim world faced a crisis of momentous proportion, and the unity of Muslim
was seriously threatened. Under the circumstances, it became difficult to
maintain the fine distinction between history and Divine Revelation. One more
reason why this delicate balance could not be maintained was the fact that for
safeguarding Divine Revelation, the Muslims had never negated history, nor they
were in favour of rejecting it altogether. People were permitted to narrate the
sayings and practices of the Prophet but were expected to exercise great caution
in doing it, so that it should not distract people’s attention from Allah’s
Book, or allow the growth of another framework based on the Prophet’s
traditions. Prohibition of excessive narration of the Prophet’s traditions,
avoidance of writing down the traditions according to the Prophet’s own
instruction, and the deep sense of responsibility in the transmission of the
Prophet’s utterances and maintain a strict scrutiny on them through the
administrative machinery of the time are the acts that helped to keep history
within its limits. However, with the crisis in the Caliphate, this surveillance
on history could not be maintained any longer. As a result, it became possible
for history not only to wear the cloak of holiness and transcend its limits, but
also to take the help of reports and traditions that could not be corroborated
by historical bases themselves.
Abdullah bin Zubair had reported the following comment of his father regarding
the statement –
من
كذب علي فليتبوأ مقعده من النار[14],
attributed to the Prophet: “I see that people have added the word
متعمدا,
whereas I have never heard the Prophet uttering this word.” This reflects the
changing attitude of the Muslims towards history. Those who, till the other day,
trembled at the thought of transmitting the Prophet’s utterances lest they might
be liable to error, however slight that error might be, and who were conscious
of the fact that the slightest error in this regards, despite all their good
intentions, might include them to the list of those for whom it was said –
من كذب عليّ.The
addition of the word
متعمدا,
through the error of the reporters and the lack of comprehension or
miscomprehension of the listeners, provided a justification for the errors that
would enter into the exegetical literature in the process of thematic and
linguistic transmission. The scope provided by the addition of the word
متعمدا
also paved the way for the justification of the notion in future that if anyone
reads/ observes anything good anywhere, he should think that the Prophet might
have said that.[15]
Firstly, in the hands of simple-minded preachers, this notion of history got
alienated from the critical principles of historiography. Secondly, now that it
was considered possible to imaginatively recreate the Prophet’s traditions
through history, it was not difficult for history to wear the cloak of
sacredness. There were some basic reasons for this laxity in the attitude of
Muslims towards history. First, the internal crisis of the caliphate; second,
the impact of the earlier people of the Book and their attitude to history;
third, political groupism; fourth, good-intentioned but simple-minded preachers;
and fifth, the presence of hypocritical Muslims (munafiqeen) who were
active at different places and who were bent on placing history on the same
pedestal as the Divine Revelation, thus causing harm to Islam. The political
turmoil paved the way for groupism, the supporters of Othman and those of Ali
took the help of fabricated traditions in support of their stand. Later, the
Umayyads and the Abbasids worked for their political consolidation on the basis
of such traditions. This climate of mutual clash and rivalry provided a wide
field for the scholars and fabricators belonging to the people of the Book to
give currency to their own view of history. The participation of Abu Huraira in
the assemblies of Ka’b Al-Ahbar, the curiosity of Muslims about the knowledge of
Ka’b Al-Ahbar about the earlier religions, the general permission for the
transmission and publication of the scholarly and narrative accounts by Tamim
Dari and Ka’b Al-Ahbar opened the door for the interpretation of the utterances
and practices of the Prophet that, to a great extent, owed its origin to the
Jewish view of history[16].
In the prevailing climate of confusion and chaos, those potential hypocrites for
whom the Qur'an had declared in unambiguous terms –
ومن أهل المدينة مردوا
على النفاق لا تعلمهم (Al
Taubah: 101), and who had so long kept their motives concealed because of the
strictness and alertness of the administrative machinery, saw their great
opportunity.
Since I do not intend to record a detailed history of the Prophet’s traditions
in these pages, but merely to point out the deviation in our thinking about the
Divine Revelation that has crept in because of the change in the Quranic concept
of history. That is why we will here limit our discussion to the factors that
have contributed to the process of investing history and Prophetic practices
with the mantle of sacredness, and if, like the Israelites, we, too, have begun
to regard history as a reliable tool for the understanding and interpretation of
Divine Revelation, then what are the reasons for such an error? The first
generation of Muslims, in their effort to resist the emergence of a Mishnah, had
delimited the bounds of history and kept them under strict surveillance. Why
this surveillance could not be maintained in the later years? If common people
began to entertain misconceptions in this regard, then what were the reasons for
it? What were the reasons for the emergence of the notion that history is a
genuine source of the Prophet’s sunnah, or the notion that sunnah is a
collection of sayings and practices outside the Qur'an? And the most important
of all – why the Prophetic model was equated with the sunnah for which people
began to excavate the collections of the Prophet’s sayings and practices? At
which turn of history the sunnah came to be regarded as synonymous with hadith?
Our journey from the concept of the model to the sunnah, and from sunnah to
hadith records such a profound transformation in our concept of history that
without understanding the real nature of this transformation we cannot have a
proper appreciation of the Prophetic model, nor can we point to its genuine
sources. As it is not possible for us to advance a single step without the
Prophetic model, similarly, the slightest mistake in our identification of the
sources of this model can distance us from this source of guidance that we
regard as the most authentic manifestation of the final Divine Revelation. It is
not difficult, on principle, to make a choice between history and Divine
Revelation in our quest for the Prophetic model, because there is consensus
among all about the superiority of Divine Revelation. The problem really crops
up when history is adduced as an additional source or an interpretive tool for
the Divine Revelation. The crux of the problem is – history cannot be absolutely
discarded, and accepting it as an interpretive tool is also fraught with
pitfalls. If the Muslims of the first generation had tried to keep history
within its specified bounds rather than rejecting it altogether, it was a
well-considered decision. The truth is – without restoring the delicate balance
between history and Divine Revelation, it will not be easy for us to reverse the
cycle of misconceptions that has taken root among us regarding the Prophetic
model.
Notes and References
[1] Pointing to the deviation in the thinking of the People of the Book, the Qur'an says:
إتخذوا أحبارهم و رهبانهم أرباباً من دون الله (Al Taubah: 31)
[2] The embellishment of the law by the Pharisees and Sadducees (rabbis of Jesus’ day) were condemned by Jesus in Matthew 15:6, Luke 11:46, 52 and in other similar verses.
The jurisprudence propounded by the clergy not only made God’s worship immensely complex, but also the unnecessary restrictions and insistence on self-imposed rituals paved the way for human interference in the act of God. The Israeli rabbis could not abide by the following instruction of the Torah:
“You shall not add to the word which I am Commanding you, nor take away from it, that you may keep the commandments of the Lord your God which I command you.” [Deuteronomy 4:2]
Under these circumstances, Jesus Christ had to make the fossilized and soulless attitude the target of his attack in his Sermon on the Mount.
[3] Tabqat Ibn Sa’d, Part 5, p. 140, published in Europe.
[4] Mukhtasar Jame’ Bayan al-ilm, p. 175; Tazkirah Al-Hiffaz, vol. I, p. 7.
[5] Tazkirah Al-Hiffaz, p. 7
[6] For details, see, Taujih Al-Nazar Ila Usool Al-Asar by Shaikh Tahir bin Salih Al-Jazairi, pp. 2-18.
[7]Zahbi, Tazkirah Al-Hiffaz, vol. I, p. 7
[8] Taujih Al-Nazar, op. cit
[9] it is quite possible that the collections of reports attributed to some of the Prophet's Companions that did not reach us, and we do not feel that our Faith has been affected in any way for that reason, might not have been written at all. In the light of the Qur'an’s positive discouragement regarding the gathering of the hadiths and the Prophet’s categorical declaration لا تكتبوا عنى , it seems hardly likely that the Prophet's Companions made any plans for collecting the sayings and practices of the Prophet. Though it seems quite natural that people would feel actuated to chronicle the glorious history of a great period in human civilisation and preserve the practices of the Prophet in the written form, and probably for this reason precisely that Abu Bakr had thought of preserving the Prophet’s traditions which led to the collection of about five hundred hadiths. However, the apprehension that such a collection could soon acquire a sacred status with reference to the Prophet’s personality desisted him from giving it a final form. Omar’s consultations with the Prophet's Companions on this issue and finally taking the same stand as that of Abu Bakr, rather going a step further and annulling such collections, point to the fact that the Prophet's Companions had reached a consensus about not undertaking any compilation of the Prophetic reports even as historical documents. As matters stood, it seems hardly likely that some of the Prophet's Companions would undertake such a task, against the clear decision of the Islamic administration of the time. And this, despite the clear Quranic injunction on the subject as evident from the following verse: يا أيها الناس قد جائتكم موعظة من ربكم وشفاء لما في الصدور وهدى ورحمة للمؤمنين. قل بفضل الله وبرحمته فبذلك فليفرحوا هو خير مما يجمعون (Yunus: 57)
[10] Chapter, “Salat Al-Nawafil Jama’a” in Sahih Bukhari
[11] Abu Dawood, Kitab Al-ilm
[12] Abdus Salam Mubarakpuri, Sirat Bukhari, Patna, 1329 H.E., vol. 2, p. 27.
[13] It is said that when Omar took practical steps to prevent people from recording hadiths in the written form and cast into the fire the hadiths written down by some individuals, he warned Muslims as follows: “O my people, do you also want to create a Mishnah, like the People of the Book?” Ali was so sensitive about the sayings of the Prophet that whenever he heard anyone describing a hadith, he would ask him to take an oath vouching for its veracity. Once, in one of his addresses, he exhorted people to destroy any hadith that they might have had in written form, as the earlier communities had brought ruin upon themselves as they followed the conventions established by their clergy in preference to Allah’s Book. Abu Nazra had asked Abu Sai’d Khudri: “Won’t it be advisable to write down the hadiths that we hear from you?” the reply was – “Do you want to make it a (divine) text?” Abdullah bin Masu’d was so dead against writing down hadiths that when a collection of hadiths was brought to him, he cast it into the fire and said, “I beseech you in the name of Allah that if anyone has this kind of collection then let me know about it so that I can go there (and take appropriate steps).” He opined that the earlier communities had brought ruin upon themselves as they gave up Allah’s Book and started following such collections. In history books one finds evidence of similarly strong stances taken by Abdullah bin Abbas and Abdullah bin Omar, against writing down hadiths. Even after the age of the Prophet's Companions, for a long time Muslims were not in favour of recording hadiths in the written form. If among the followers of the Prophet's Companions great scholars like Alqama, Sha’bi, Masruq, Qasim, Mughira and A’mash had strong reservations about recording hadiths, the reason for this was that in view of the extraordinary importance of the Prophet’s period and the emotional association of Muslims with the utterances and practices of the Prophet, there was strong apprehension that such accounts could, in the subsequent years, take the aspect of Mishnah among Muslims.
[14] Bukhari
[15] to arrest this trend in the changing concept of history, if on the one hand, the tradition of critiquing and evaluating hadiths began, on the other hand, it was declared that hadiths should be harmonised with the general framework of Islam, for their universal acceptability. Abu Yusuf undertook a detailed discussion about the conditions for the acceptability of hadiths in his Al-rad A’la Sayyar Al-Auza’i. Later, the wide acceptability of the concept of ahl-e sunnat wal-jama’at and reports such as, من شَذ شُذ في النار can be understood in this light.
[16] The historians writing on Tamim Dari have recorded that in the beginning he was a Qassas, i.e., storyteller. He kept on pestering Omar for permission to tellpoetrywrite tales. After a lot of persuasion, he was finally permitted to address the congregation on Friday before the namaz prayer. It is said that one day when he did not finish his address by the stipulated time he was whipped. The details of this event have been recorded by Mulla Ali Qari, through Imam Tabrani and Ibn Asakar, in his Maudu’at (Lahore, p. 16).