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Strength in Numbers? The
Political Mobilization of Racial
and Ethnic minorities.
By Jan E. Leighley. Princeton :
Princeton Press, 2002. 216 p. $49.50
Reviewed
by
Asmer Beg
Jan E. Leighley tries to look at
the emerging scenario in the US,
when whites would no longer be in
a majority. She analyses the implications
of this for institutions, for the
groups which are part of this changing
electorate and for the political
science literature which has based
its theoretical findings on research
on Anglos. Leighley explores the
mobilization of groups, how American
political institutions have responded
to and how they mobilize racial
and ethnic groups, and she reviews
several different types of literatures’
analyses of political participation
and mobilization as she offers a
rational choice interpretation of
the subject. This is a complex book,
which helps increase our understanding
of the variety of issues, conceptual,
and measurement based, which scholars
must address in order to broaden
knowledge in this area.
Leighley undertakes review, comparison,
and integration of the various literatures
that have analyzed racial and ethnic
political participation, including
those based on historical and analytic
case studies of racial and ethnic
political participation, and on
survey research of individuals drawn
from specific racial and ethnic
groups. She then compares the findings
in these studies with assumptions
based in rational choice models
of voter turnout and collective
action.
She examines three types of contextual
influences that reduce costs and/or
increase benefits: elite mobilization
(efforts by elites to engage political
activity), relational goods (incentives
enjoyed by members of groups), and
racial and ethnic context (the composition
of the individual’s context, which
she interprets as the size of the
group). She then uses her assumptions
to model mobilization of racial
and ethnic groups by political elites,
using several data sets, and to
compare her findings with previous
literature. The data sets are two
national surveys and two Texas-based
surveys. She sues the American National
Election Study from 1956 through
1996, and the Citizen Participation
Study conducted by Verba, Schlozman,
and Brady (1995), which oversampled
black and Latino political activists
on their participation skills, to
which Leighley added political empowerment
evidence. She also sued her own
Texas Minority Survey (conducted
with Vedlitz, 1999), a public-opinion
telephone survey that also oversampled
African Americans, Mexican Americans
and Asian Americans. Finally she
draws upon the Texas Country Party
Chairs Survey; this telephone survey
queried Texas Democratic and Republican
party officials about their efforts
at mobilizing voters.
The comparison of various approaches
is an interesting exercise for rational
choice analysis, one which allows
for a clearer understanding of the
strengths and limits of the different
literatures, and there are important
ones that frame and limit the significance
of some of the author’s findings.
She has clearly broadened the assumptions
of rational choice since she explores
the importance of group-based variables,
framed in terms of contextual variables.
Since she is using a rational choice
theoretical framework, she tends
to limit her exploration for understanding
the meaning of context more than
she should. Her discussion of the
political and institutional issues
associated with African Americans
refers primarily to the very recent
past and to segregation, but never
to slavery and its powerful impact
on American political history, society,
and institutions, including those
of Texas. Obviously, it is highly
problematic to define the impact
of these forces quantitatively,
but they shape American society
even in contemporary politics. Taking
note of them is an important way
of acknowledging some of the limitations
of data analysis, whether in surveys
or in models of white, African American,
and Latino participation and mobilization.
Several conceptual issues also affect
the analyses. First, while acknowledging
Latino diversity, Leighley tends
to de-emphasize the complexity of
the Latino population, perhaps because
of her use of Texas-based surveys.
She might have addressed this by
using data from the Latino National
Political Surveys, which distinguished
Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Mexican
Americans, in her own analysis.
Race is also somewhat problematic
since she does not address the issue
of racial differences among Latinos.
That issue, framed by the U.S. Census
as “Latinos may be of any race”,
is also an important underlying
distinction in the way I which Latinos
tend to see the world, and it may
in time begin to have an impact
on race-based American politics.
Moreover, she defines “mobilization”
as public officials reaching out
to racial and ethnic groups, and
she assumes it occurs. Within the
racial and ethnic literature, most
studies emphasize the work of racial
and ethnic civic-mobilizing institutions
at encouraging participation. This
literature finds little mobilization
of racial and ethnic groups by party
or elected officials. Finally, the
author’s definitions of contextual
variables are, because of their
rational choice framework, overly
narrowly defined. Relational goods,
drawn from Carole Uhlaner, are oriented
toward the organizational and institutional
networks of racial and ethnic groups.
Leighley fails to recognize the
differences that inhere in these
spaces.
There are also important issues
with the data sets Leighley employs.
A number of other surveys might
also have been incorporated, as
comparisons. The Survey of Texas
Party Chairs was an intriguing study
on efforts at mobilizing various
racial and ethnic groups, Leighley
assumes they responded accurately.
Her survey instrument confirms that
they were asked to give information
on their racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic
background, but there is no discussion
of the results in the text. Since
she verifies survey respondents’
reports of how they are contacted
with country party officials’ reports
of their efforts to mobilize, it
is vital to know more about their
demographic and ideological characteristics.
This work is a welcome addition
to the existing studies in this
area. Her findings would surely
lead to more productive debate on
this subject.
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