
Unfencing the fences around the Quran
By Rashid Shaz
The Qur’an is the undistorted, immutable and perfect manifestation of Divine Revelation that still stands in its entirety, purity, and pristine glory among Muslims. Despite this, if the chosen community is undergoing the pangs of decline, then the cause for this can be traced back to their attitude towards Divine Revelation, the attitude that was formed, to a great extent, by the massive tomes of interpretive literature that took centuries to evolve. The deviation from the principle laid down in the Qur’an, however, had already begun in the second and third centuries of Islam. Though the Divine Text still exists amongst us in its entirety in undiluted form, it has really become a captive to thick volumes of commentaries on it. It is not easy to surmount the barrier of interpretation put up by hordes of commentators. This, by itself, is such a great challenge that our success in this sphere will create a veritable tempest in the world of thoughts and ideas. It will bring glad tidings to the people about a bright future just as the emergence of a Prophet dispels the darkness of a realm, plagued by evil. If the Qur’an suffices prophet hood in absentia الرسلحجة من بعد , then one cannot dismiss such a possibility.Leave aside the common people who treat the Sahah Sitta as oracles, and their attitude towards the interpretation of the ancients is one of reverence, even servility. However, if a leader of Islam like Ibn Taimia appears to be a victim of such misconceptions, one realizes the gravity of the situation. In one of his edicts, he clearly mentioned that in the compilation of the surahs in the Qur’an, ijtihad rather than nass (text from which the law is derived/ a textual ruling) had a role to play. He also claimed that the majority of the scholars of Hambali, Shafi’i and Maliki schools had the same view. As regards the current Othmanic version, one had to follow this, as the Prophet’s Companions agreed on this, and following the tradition laid down by the Sahabas is obligatory (wajib). Nevertheless according to him, for the purposes of analysis, interpretation or getting access to meaning and significance of the verses, it is not essential for anyone to stick to the arrangement in the current version [57] . Taking this view of the Imam as true would amount to putting the seal of approval on the misdirected notion of a hidden version of the Qur’an. The logical and immediate step after this should be to search out the version with the original arrangement of the surahs. For the sake of elucidation and interpretation, if it is allowed to change the order of sentences/ surahs in the current version, and it paves the way for a newer understanding of the Qur’an, then it can be said with confidence that the search for the original arrangement would help us in accessing meaning of the Qur’an that would prove its definitiveness. A certain confidence that would certainly go beyond the arrangement of the verses and the surahs in a certain order. But the problem is that, according to Muhammad, “I instructed Akrama to arrange it according to the chronological order of revelation. At this, Akrama replied – if all human beings and Jinns come together and ask me to do this, even then it would be beyond my ability to do so.” [58]
These notions have kept the thinkers and the exegetes busy searching for the supposed original Qur’an. The Orientalists had taken upon themselves the responsibility of compiling a new Qur’an different samples of which have been presented in the name of historical criticism by them from time to time. The Muslim thinkers and exegetes have done the same job in the name of organizing the surahs of the Qur’anic Text in accordance with the chronology and the site of revelation. To provide a possible historical and social context and to formulate rules and regulations according to them is, in fact, an effort at organizing the text according to revelation. It would not be possible for the exegetes to unravel the complex configurations of meaning without first resolving this issue.
Once the Divine Revelation was accepted as the ‘Othmanic collection’ or the ‘Othmanic version’, it left the door open for the conjecture that the form in which it has come to us also incorporates the editorial and organizational intervention of the later generations. It was claimed that as the Othmanic version was devoid of points and diacritical marks, countless errors had crept into the way it was read. [59] Thus, to start with, about two thousand errors were alleged to have been removed at the instruction of Zayd (d. 67 H.E.). [60] The next person to try his hand on the already corrected Qur’anic Text was Hajjaj bin Yusuf who is supposed to have corrected at least eleven very obvious errors [61] . It was also claimed that at the instance of Hajjaj bin Yusuf, Nazr bin Amir embellished the text with points and other diacritical marks. [62] According to these traditions, the story of human interventions on the Divine Revelation does not stop here. To take the task to its logical conclusion, the character of Abul Aswal Al Daula was brought to the fore. Beside him, the names of Yahya bin Ya’mar (d.39 H.E.), Nasr bin Asim Al Laisi (d. 89 H.E.) also cropped up in connection with the compilation and elucidation of the text. [63] Despite the presence of hadith alluding to the Qur’an as a text equipped with diacritical marks in the books of traditions, the idea that the Qur’an was devoid of points and diacritical marks was accepted and it was asserted that Abul Aswad was led to undertake the task because of the erroneous reading of the Qur’an by people. For instance, a person was heard to read the verse – ان الله برى من المشركين ورسوله [64] , that totally distorted the intended meaning of the verse, that is, to be accountable neither to the polytheists nor to the Prophet. In other words, there was enough scope for such semantic distortions in the Othmanic version, and Abul Aswad was brought on the scene to rectify these. The question still remains that human intellect and wisdom, even if it reaches its uttermost limit, can never attain the status of a sacred text. Thus the supposed intervention by human compilers and linguists left this open to conjecture as to how fallible these interventions were. Then if something as hallowed as the Divine Revelation is mediated to the people through an evil personality and an oppressor like Hajjaj, then its authenticity becomes a big question mark by itself, as history presents us the image of Hajjaj as an extremely unreliable person. Some people even had no qualms in declaring him a Kafir. [65] One consequence of bringing down the grandeur of the Divine Word to the level of a version by Hajjaj was that even respectable people were invaded by doubts and misgivings about the certitude of the Qur’an. Some people reached the conclusion that the Qur’an as it was revealed to the Prophet had undergone the process of annulment and distortion in his own lifetime. And in the later years, if it had emerged as a definitive text, then its only witness was Abdullah bin Masu’d. [66] In some traditions, this position was given to Zayd bin Sabit. [67] Even this was said that he was with the Prophet when it was taking its final shape under the supervision of Gabriel. The participation of Zayd bin Sabit, to some extent, gives credibility to the Othmanic version, but the reference to Abdullah bin Masu’d robs it of any credibility as his disagreements regarding the Othmanic version have been recorded in details in the books of history and traditions. Then, is the definitive text of the Qur’an of the later stage, different editions of which are attributed to different companions of the Prophet in the books of history, is still beyond our reach? Our interpretive literature gives such an impression about the Divine Revelation.
The so-called ‘Othmanic Text’ whose supposed defects have been dealt with so far in considerable details has, according to the learned exegetes, remained a controversial version, both historically and ideologically. A famous but fabricated tradition has played an important role in rendering this version suspect in the eyes of the people. Apart from Bukhari, Muslim and other books of traditions, it has found place even in Muwatta Imam Malik. According to this tradition, the Prophet said: انزل القران على سبعة احرف فاقروا ماتيسرمنه .A group of religious scholars say that in the Siddiqi version, the Divine Revelation was preserved in all its grandeur, i.e., it was preserved in seven levels (ahraf). [68] However, in the period of Othman, because of serious disagreement among people, the Prophet’s companions were compelled to organise the Qur’an on only one level (haraf). [69] The second group of scholars opine that as the Othmanic version was devoid of points and diacritical marks, it was possible to read or interprete it in all the seven potential ways, with the seven level intact. [70] If so, has the consensus of the Prophet’s Companions in the Othmanic period or in the later days the intervention of linguists, resulted in the loss of six levels of the Qur’an? Well, the logical implication of giving credence to the tradition relating to the preservation of the seven levels cannot be this only. Some scholars strike a middle path. They say that the remaining six levels of the Qur’an has not been lost, but are there inherent in the current text, but we cannot pin them down with any degree of certainty. [71] We feel that these three conjectures, even if they accept the fact of the remaining six levels being lost or being retrievable, point to the loss of a significant segment of the Qur’an. To accept this view would mean our loss of faith in the inviobality and absolute purity of the Qur’an.
Ibn Jareer Tabari has dealt with the concept of سيعة احرفin considerable detail. He reached the conclusion that the six other levels of the Qur’an were interchangeable with the first. When the people accepted one level consensually, the remaining six levels became redundant. [72] According to him, just as in the case of a minor penance, one can choose among a number of actions like freeing a slave, feeding ten destitute or making a gift of clothes to them, in the same way, to stay in the way of faith it is enough if one chooses one among the seven levels. But Tabari’s view did not stop the floodgates of interpretations regarding the seven levels. Almost every interpreter of the Qur’an and exegete considered it his duty to jump into the fray. Even after fourteen centuries, our exegetes even today are unable to explain what the seven levels really are. The disagreement among the ulama on this issue recorded in the books of exegesis would make it clear that not only the debate has remained inconclusive, but it has left a trail of grave doubts about the ‘reductive’ nature of the current Qur’anic Text, and the preservation of both the Word and the meaning in it.
We have already discussed in the earlier chapters, with reference to the mystic interpreters of Torah, how the Jewish scholars had divided the Divine Revelation on the Mount Sinai into light and voice. It was said that the light stood for the written Torah whereas voice stood for the oral Torah. It was also asserted that every letter revealed or every voice heard on Mount Sinai had 70 dimensions or levels, on the basis of which there could be 70 interpretations of the Divine Revelation [73] . The simultaneous and multiple interpretation of Divine Revelation was an activity through which one could introduce variations or new elements in it easily. The Jewish scholars who had created a strong barrier of interpretive literature around Torah were quite adept in the process of the art indicated in يكتبون الكتاب بايديهم. We feel that those who propagated the idea of the revelation of the Qur’an on seven levels or those among us who tried to give this notion respectability by presenting this statement as that of the Prophet, may not have been totally unaware of similar interpretations in the cases of the earlier divine texts. If one takes a look at the differing and contradictory views presented in the exegetical literature of Islam that has become a part of our cultural inheritance, one soon realizes that these traditions are foregrounded on the dilution and distortion of Divine Revelation. To accept them would amount to reducing a hallowed text like the Qur’an to the level of a plaything for children.
According to Zohar’s Sufic interpretation, every letter in the revelation on Moses could be divided into 70 voices. In our case also, there is a ‘continuous’ tradition attributed to Ibn Masu’d, where it is said that the earlier texts or scrolls were revealed through a ‘single door’; as opposed to this, the Qur’an was revealed through seven doors and on seven levels, and they are: zajir (predictions), amir (ruler) halal (permissible), haram (forbidden), muhkam (inherently clear, and not susceptible to abrogation), mutashabih (Equivocal and ambiguous; susceptible to different interpretations because of lack of precedent in usage) and imsaal (parables). [74] Even though this traditions did not gain the approval of the scholars of traditions, but such denigrating efforts point to the fact as to how the fanciful accounts of the seven interchangeable levels, i.e., seven sets of interchangeable Divine Revelations were fabricated in an effort to distort and change a sanctified book like the Qur’an. It was said that in the Qur’anic revelations, the status of the words is not absolute and final. As it was revealed on seven levels, one word can very well be replaced by one of its synonyms that would make no difference. For example, a group of ulama said that any word out of a list that contains ‘aqbal’, ‘hallam’ and ‘ta’al’ could be used interchangeably. It makes no difference if one uses ‘asra’h’ in place of ‘a’jl’, and that if anyone uses ‘amhal’ in place of ‘unzur’ or ‘akhkhar’ in the Qur’an, it would mean the same. [75] However, Tabari reminds us of the only caveat that relates to the Prophet’s instruction to Omar. The Prophet is reported to have said: “O Omar, you can use any sort of word in the Qur’an on the condition that you do not change the word ‘rahmat’ with ‘azab’ and ‘azab’ with ‘rahmat’. [76] The concept of ‘seven levels’ has reduced the Qur’an from the status of the Divine Word to a text that should be read only for the meaning. Some ulama even expressed the view that in the reading of a verse, if there is change in the meaning of the text because of change in the diacritical marks, it did not really matter, because the reading would still be within the purview of the seven levels. For example, it was said that if the verse – فتلقى آدم من ربه كلمة فتاب عليه (Al Baqara: 27) is read as – فتلقى آدم من ربه كلمة فتاب عليه , both the readings would be considered as valid. [77] As there was a great probability to read ‘وعلمون’ as ‘تعلمون’ in the versions without points and diacritical marks, this kind of readings were also sought to be validated with the argument of the ‘seven levels’. [78] Similarly, in the verse – والذين هم لاامانتهم واهديهم راعون (Al Muminoon: 8), it was considered permissible to read the word لاامانتهمin the singular as لا امانتهم. [79] If one wanted to read the Qur’an in the lingo of his tribe by interchanging synonyms, for example, كالفراش المبثوث for كالعهن المنفوش (Al Qareah), this was also sought to be approved through taking recourse to the seven levels. [80] At times, even the copyist’s errors and the misreading born out of the absence of diacritical marks were also considered permissible. For example, it was considered valid to read وطلح منضود (Al Waqeah: 29) as وطلح منضود. [81] It was said with reference to Imam Malik that he continued to read ‘فمضوالى ذكرالله’ in place of ‘fasu’a’ in the verse 9 of the surah Jum’a. [82] Similarly, such readings where changing the order of sentences do not effect any significant change in the meaning were also considered permissible. For example, in the verse – يقاتلون فى سبيل الله فيقتلون ويقاتلون (Al Tauba: 111), if one changes the order of فيقتلون and يقاتلون, then, according to the interpretation of seven levels, it does not make any difference. [83] About a less-known reading, it was claimed with reference to Abu Bakr that he used to read the verse – وجاء ت سكرة الموت بالحق (Qaf: 19) as – وجاء ت سكرة الحق بالموت. [84] As to the question of the use of preposition, such Qur’anic readings, as the addition of ‘من’ before the phrase ‘تحتهاالانهار’ in the verse – جنت تجرى تحتهاالأنهار (Tauba: 100) were accepted quite liberally as within the ambit of the seven levels of interpretation, and such multiple readings of the Qur’an were claimed to be validated by ‘continous traditions’ (mutawaterah), and in accordance with the Othmanic text. [85]
Our exegetical books often vouch for the frequent occurrence (tawatur) and reliability of the fabricated tradition regarding the seven levels. [86] It has opened the floodgates of controversy regarding not only the Qur’anic interpretation but the text as well. Instead of one Qur’an we had numerous texts produced on the plea/ basis of the seven levels. It happened because, in principle, we accepted the fact that in the Qur’anic verses it is not only permissible to create newer version through the use of synonyms, making changes in the diacritical marks and sonic pattern, all this would be considered as divinely executed according to the seven levels of interpretation. Thus, the possibility opened up for one verse to have not only seven versions but many more, in geometric progression. This is how the concept of the Qur’an as a definitive and inviolable text that was firmly planted in the mind of Muslims of the first century H.E., particularly in the period of the Prophet’s Companions, was gradually weakened. This explains the change of our attitude towards the Qur’an as a Book that was invested with honour and heavenly grandeur, after the passing away of the first generation of the Prophet’s followers. From Tabari, down to the contemporary exegetes, and from Bukhari to to the current scholars of tradition, there would be only a miniscule section that regards the Qur’anic text, letter by letter, from Allah. Those who believe in the concept of seven levels of meaning and the other detailed, interpretive accounts in support of the fabricated tradition found in the Sahah Sitta, however much capable they are to undertake a comparative study (tatbeeq) of these traditions they would find it difficult to derive the concept of an undistorted Qur’an from them.
We have already recorded Ibn Jareer’s statement that according to the consensus arrived at by the Prophet's Companions arrived at the remaining six levels (ahraf) have been done away with. According to this view, out of the seven levels, Muslims now inherit just one. [87] Imam Tabari reaches the conclusion that the remaining six levels were rejected in the later years, and that the seven possible readings of the Qur’an were allowed only in the initial years, even though the Qur’an was revealed according the language of the Quraish tribe. [88] Even if one accepts this hypothesis, it does not lead us to the concept of the Divine Revelation where both the words and the meanings have equal importance. Then, we have to accept the fact that in the later years the Qur’an came to its final shape through a process of evolution. To think of Divine Revelation in these terms is nothing short of dangerous. Then, historically, there is a problem with this view and it is this: there is no evidence of any clear instruction regarding the rectification or distortion in that part of the Qur’anic Text that was with the émigrés (muhajireen) from Ethiopia (Habsha) in the initial years or the parts that were scattered among other tribes through various means. Abul Khair Al-Jazri has tried to a comparatively moderate path. He said that the Othmanic version incorporates all the seven levels and it is not permissible for Muslims to bypass any of the levels out of the seven. [89] Apparently, this view seems to strive for a synthesis but, in actual practice, to incorporate all the different seven levels in one verse, and to separate them by means of reading and interpretation seem an impossible task. Only those speak in these terms who, instead of identifying the real nature of a problem and suggesting ways to solve it, are more interested in finding an escape route. Abul Hasan Ashari who is known in our history of thought as someone who wanted to determine the majority view of our debates on the Qur’an and who is known for his predilection to strike a middle course on knotty issues, he too expressed the view that the current version of the Qur’an incorporates all the levels. At the same time, he admitted the fact that one cannot identify all the seven levels with any measure of certainty. [90] Ashari’s statement also leads one to conceive of a text, a major part of which is still outside the human ken because of its unknowability. Allama bin Hazm, known for challenging conventional views and striking his own path, made the sweeping statement that if Othman had rejected the six levels he would have been ejected from Islam forthwith, but even his critical ken failed to grasp the far-reaching implications of the seven levels. He remained steadfast to his view of the seven levels being present and protected in the current text [91] but could not illustrate the existence of all the seven levels with the help of any verse. A similar stance was adopted by Abul Waleed Baji Malki, the interpreter of Muwatta who believe in the presence of the seven levels in the light of the Divine promise of protection and preservation of the Book (انا له لحافظون), but instead of pointing them out in the current text, he takes it to denote different readings of the text. [92] Among the votaries of the seven levels, the names of Imam Ghazali [93] and Mulla Ali Qari [94] are quite important. However, in the later centuries, when the concept of the seven readings became known, some people took the seven levels to mean seven different readings. They consider seven readings as the highest number, but they do not limit this number. According to Shah Waliullah, the no. 7 cannot be used to indicate uppermost limit. That is why, he says, there is consensus among the imams on ten readings. [95] Anwar Shah Kashmiri who assumed importance because of the honour he received from Deoband as a scholar of traditions says that in the Qur’an the seven levels or the seven shades of meaning are intact even today which, probably, Tabari was unaware of. [96] But he seemed unable to adduce any evidence in support of his statement. For the scholars of the Qur’an, this has remained a complex problem from the days of Tabari up until modern times, as to how they should harmonise the tradition alluding to the seven levels to the current Qur’anic Text. On the one hand, the Qur’anic assertion – اناله لحافظون compels them to believe that the Qur’an has remained inviolable, that each and every letter of the Qur’an comes from Allah and has remained unchanged; on the other hand, the tradition relating to the seven levels constantly whispers it into their ears that whatever they are reading in the current text, equipped with diacritical marks, is only one layer out of the seven. These seven levels not only imply seven versions but they contain limitless forms of Divine Revelation of which they are still unaware. One has yet to identify and assess the possibility of these limitless hidden texts that this tradition points to. As long as the current Qur’anic Text does not clearly contradict the concept of these limitless potential texts and reject this notion conclusively, the definitiveness and finality of the Qur’an would not be firmly imprinted in our mind, nor will our misgivings and worries about Divine Revelation, brought on by our ancient scholars and exegetes, be removed. In our considered view, we can make Divine Revelation an issue for debate without necessarily believing in its definitiveness, finality and inviolability, but we cannot make it a source of guidance for us.
[1] The original ayah is as follows: وماكان لبشر أن يكلمه الله الا وحيا أو من وراء حجاب أو يرسل رسولا فيوحى باذنه مايشاء انه على حكيم…. (Shura: 42)
[2] Hafiz Ibn Hujjar has written in Fathul Bari, with reference to Allama Hulaimi that verses were revealed to the Prophet in forty-six different ways. (as quoted in Fathul Bari, vol. 1,p.26, op.cit)
[3] Bukhari says, with refrence to Aisha: احيانا ياتينى مثل صلصلة الجرس وهو أشده على فيفصم عنى وقد وعيت عنه ما قال واحيانا يتمثل لى الملك رجلا فيكلمني فاعى مايقول….(“Bad’al Wahi”, Fathul Bari, vol. 1, p. 26). Aisha says in a different hadith, ولقد رأيته ينزل عليه الوحي في اليوم الشديد البرد فيفصم عنه وان جبينه ليتفصد عرقا…. (Fathul Bari, vol. 1, p. 26, hadith no. 3). Translation : “I have witnessed Allah’s message being revealed on him (the Prophet) in severe winter. (Even in such weather), when the process of revelation would be over, his forehead would be bathed in sweat.”
[4] As it is recorded in hadith that the Prophet said – “This fact has been imprinted on my mind when I was in rooh-al quds that no one would die till the day he finishes the food allocated to him by Allah. So, stay in awe of Allah and adopt some good means to earn your livelihood.” (Urdu Encyclopedia, the entry on “wahi”, p.615)
[5] As it has been recorded in Sahih Bukhari. Apart from this, in Masnad-e Ahmad, it was reported by Abdullah bin Umar: “I asked the Prophet whether he had any special feeling at the time when Divine message was revealed to him. He replied – I hear the tinkling of footsteps and become silent. More over, whenever Divine message is revealed on me I feel as though I would die.”
[6] Khattabi has interpreted this tinkling sound as an unintelligible voice. (Jalaluddin Sayuti, Al Itqan fi Uloom Al-Qura’n, Urdu translation, Part I, Delhi, 1999, p. 117)
[7] This has been attributed to Omar that when Divine message was revealed to the Prophet, he would hear a humming sound like that of bees around his face. [Abdullah bin Umar, Al-Fath Al-Rabbani (Masnad Ahmad), Cairo, 1375 hijra, vol. 20, p. 211)
[8] It has been reported by Ibada bin Samit that when divine message was revealed on Allah’s Prophet, he used to feel an extraordinary burden on him and as a consequence his face became pale. (Sahih Muslim, vol. 4, p. 1248.)
[9] “Baab al- Mubashshirat, 5: 91”, Kitab Al-Ra’uba, Bukhari أن اباهريرة قال سمعت رسول الله يقول: لم يبق من النبوة الا المبشرات قالوا: وما المبشرات؟ قال: الرؤيا الصالحة) … ) Fathul Bari, vol. 12, p. 391.
[10] Ibid. “ايضا رؤيا المؤمن جزء من ستة وأربعين جزء امن النبوة…) Fathul Bari, vol. 12, p. 389)
[11] Bukhari-Fazail Al-Sahabah 6: 62 (Fathul Bari, vol. 7, p. 52, Hadith number 3689)
“لقد كان فيما قبلكم من الأمم ناس محدثون فان يك فى امتى احد فانه عمر …”
[12] For example, Mahiuddin Ibn Arabi, see Fatoohat-e Makkeyah, op. cit, Part II.
[13] For details, see Muhammad Husayn Haykal, The Life of Muhammad, (tr.) Isma’il Raji Al Faruqi, US, 1976, pp. 73-75
[14] Surah Ibrahim, Surah Al Dakhan, Surah Saba, Surah Anfaal
[15] Surah Ya Sin, Surah Al Saaffat
[16] Qur’an 2, 62, also Qur’an 22: 81
[17] Al Itqaan (Urdu), vol. 1, p. 117, op.cit
[18] Ibid. p. 114
[19] see Jawini’s statement and the details regarding it – ibid., p. 115
[20] لوانزلنا هذالقرآن على جبل لرأيته خاشعا متصدعا من خشية الله ….
[21] The Orientalists have taken great advantage of these fabricated reports, see D.S. Margolith, Muhammad and the Rise of Islam, London, 1927, p. 218
[22] Sahih Bukhari, vol. 6, pp. 11-12
[23] Al Itqan, vol. 1, p. 89, op. cit
[24] Ibid.
[25] Ibid. p. 90
[26] Ibid.
[27] Regarding the compilation of the Qur’an there are several descriptions of the same event, reported through Maqtal Imama in Bukhari with slight variations. First, in the chapter, “Jama’ Al-Qur’an”, second, in “Kitab Al-Tafseer” and third, in “Kitab Al-Ahkam”. Apart from these, there are partial descriptions regarding this report in the chapter “Katib Al-Nabi” and “Kitab Al-Tauheed”. Moreover, apart from Tirmizi, Abu dawood and Sahah Sitta, other collections of traditions are also not devoid of reports regarding compilation of the Qur'an. Nevertheless, because of its inclusion in Bukhari this report has gained fame and credibility regarding the compilation of the Qur'an in the period of Abu Bakr, We are presenting, as a matter of preference, only the three reports available in Bukhari:
(i) حدثنا موسى بن اسماعيل عن ابراهيم بن سعد حدثنا ابن شهاب عن عبيد بن السباق أن زيد ابن ثابت رضى الله عنه قال: أرسل الى أبوبكر الصديق مقتل اهل اليمامة فاذا عمر بن الخطاب عنده قال أبوبكر رضى الله عنه: ان عمر أتانى فقال ان القتل قد استحر يوم اليمامة بقراء القرآن وانى أخشى ان استحرا القتل بالقراء بالمواطن فيذهب كثير من القرآن وانى أرى أن تامر بجمع القرآن قلت لعمر: كيف نفعل شيأ لم يفعله رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم؟قال عمر: هذا والله خيرا. فلم يزل عمر يراجعنى حتى شرح الله صدرى لذلك ورأيت فى ذلك الذى رأى عمر. قال زيد قال أبوبكر: انك رجل شاب عاقل لانتهمك رقد كنت تكتب الوحى لرسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم. فتتبع القرآن فاجمعه. فوالله لو كلفونى نقل جبل من الجبال ما كان أثقل على مما أمرنى به من جمع القرآن. قلت: كيف تفعلون شيأ لم يفعله رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم؟ قال: هو والله خير. لم يزل أبوبكر يراجعنى حتى شرح الله صدرى للذى شرح له صدر أبى بكر وعمر رضى الله عنهما. فتتبعت القرآن أجمعه من العسب واللخاف وصدور الرجال حتى وجدت آخر سورة التوبة مع أبى خزيمة الأنصارى لم أجدها مع أحد غيره (لقد جاءكم رسول من انفسكم عزيزعليه ماعنتم) حتى خاتمة براءة فكانت الصحف عند أبى بكر حتى توفاه الله ثم عند عمر حياته ثم عند حفصه بنت عمر رضى الله عنه. (“Jama’ Al-Qur’an”, Fathul Bari, vol. 8, p. 627, Hadith number 4986)
(ii) حدثنا أبواليمان أخبرنا شعيب عن الزهرى قال أخبرنى ابن السباق أن زيد بن ثابت الأنصارى رضى الله عنه-وكان ممن يكتب الوحى- قال: أرسل الى أبوبكر مقتل أهل اليمامة وعنده عمر فقال أبوبكر: ان عمر أتانى فقال ان القتل قد استحريون اليمامة بالناس وانى أخشى أن يستحر القتل بالقراء فى المواطن فيذهب كثير من القرآن الا أن تجمعوه وانى لأرى أن تجمع القرآن. قال أبوبكر: قلت لعمر كيف أفعل شيأ لم يفعله رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم. فقال عمر: هو والله خير. فلم يزل عمر يراجعنى فيه حتى شرح الله لذلك صدرى ورأيت الذى رأى عمر- قال زيد بن ثابت: وعمر عنده جالس لايتكلم- فقال أبوبكر: انك رجل شاب عاقل ولا نتهمك وكنت تكتب الوحى لرسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم. فتتبع القرآن فاجمعه. فوالله لو كلفنى نقل جبل من الجبال ما كان أثقل على مما أمرنى به من جمع القرآن. قلت كيف تفعلان شيأ لم يفعله النبى صلى الله عليه وسلم. فقال أبوبكر: هو والله خير. فلم أزل أراجعه حتى شرح الله صدرى للذى شرح الله له صدر أبى بكر وعمر فقمت فتتبعت القرآن أجمعه من الرقاع والأكتاف والعسب وصدور الرجال حتى وجدت من سورة آيتين مع خزيمة الأنصارى لم أجدهما مع أحد غيره (لقد جاءكم رسول من أنفسكم عزيز عليه ما عنتم حريص عليكم) الى آخرها. وكانت الصحف التى جمع فيها القرآن عند أبى بكر حتى توفاه الله ثم عند عمر حتى توفاه الله ثم عند حفصة بنت عمر تابعه عثمان بن عمر والليث عن يونس عن ابن شهاب. وقال الليث: حدثنى عبد الرحمن بن خالد عن ابن شهاب وقال مع أبى خزيمة الأنصارى. وقال موسى عن ابراهيم حدثنا ابن شهاب مع أبى خزيمة. وتابعه يعقوب بن ابراهيم عن أبيه. وقال أبوثابت حدثنا ابراهيم وقال مع خزيمة أو أبى خزيمة. (“Kitab Al-Tafseer” Fathul Bari, vol. 8, pp. 194-95, Hadith number 4679)
(iii) حدثنا محمد بن عبيد الله أبو ثابت حدثنا ابراهيم بن سعد عن ابن شهاب عن عبيد بن السباق "عن زيد بن ثابت قال: بعث الى أبوبكر لمقتل أهل اليمامة وعنده عمر. فقال أبوبكر: ان عمر أتانى فقال: ان القتل قد استحر يوم اليمامة بقراء القرآن وانى أخشى أن يستحرالقتل بقراء القرآن فى المواطن كلها فيذهب قرآن كثير وانى أرى أن تأمر بجمع القرآن. قلت: كيف أفعل شيأ لم يفعله رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم؟ فقال عمر: هو والله خير. فلم يزل عمر يراجعنى فى ذلك حتى شرح الله صدرى للذى شرح له صدر عمر ورأيت فى ذلك الذى رأى عمر قال زيد: قال أبوبكر وانك رجل شاب عاقل لانتهمك قد كنت تكتب الوحى لرسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم فتتبع القرآن فاجمعه. قال زيد: فوالله لو كلفنى نقل جبل من الجبال ما كان بأثقل على مما كلفنى من جمع القرآن.قلت: كيف تفعلان شيأ لم يفعله رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم؟ قال أبوبكر: هو والله خير فلم يزل يحث مراجعتى حتى شرح الله صدرى للذى شرح الله له صدر أبى بكر وعمر ورأيت فى ذلك الذى رأيا. فتتبعت القرآن أجمعه من العسب والرقاع واللخاف وصدور الرجال فوجدت آخر سورةالتوبة (لقد جاءكم رسول من أنفسكم) الى آخرها مع خزيمة-أوأبى خزيمة- فألحقتها فى سورتها. وكانت الصحف عند أبى بكر حياته حتى توفاه الله عزوجل ثم عند عمر حياته حتى توفاه الله ثم عند حفصة بنت عمر. قال محمد بن عبيد الله: اللخاف يعنى الخزف. (“Kitab Al-Ahkaam” Fathul Bari, vol. 113, p. 195, Hadith number 7191)
The fact is – this notion about the compilation of the Qur'an that it had been completed during Abu Bakr’s lifetime which has become a part of common knowledge thrived because of these reports. That is why to understand the core issue, we must make a critical assessment of these reports.
If we make a comparative study of these three reports that I have recorded in details intentionally, we will get to know about their internal contradictions. But before we point to the contradictions in the text, it would be advisable to talk about the cultural background that lies at the centre of their collective manifestation. The first thing to be noted is that these reports present such a picture of the Prophet’s period that it suffered from lack of tools for reading and writing, and that had an awful lack of educated people. If one gathers other reports of this kind that have been recorded in comparatively less credible books and looks at them collectively, the following cultural scenario of Madina during the Prophet’s lifetime would emerge: The Madina of the Prophet’s period seems have been virtually unaware of pen and books for acquiring knowledge. Pen and parchment were very scarce. According to these reports, there was so much scarcity for writing materials that even for a book like the Qur'an that had such a seminal place for Muslims both in this life and the Hereafter, that was being read day and night in the Prophet’s Mosque, the reading or teaching of which was declared to be an act of great merit, and the grandeur of which is demonstrated by such verses as – لوانزلنا هذالقرآن على جبل لرأيته خاشعا متصدعا من خشعة الله…, there were no facilities to write it down. That is why Zayd was appointed to gather Quranic verses written down on all kinds of objects like pieces of wood or animal bones etc. and stored by people in their houses, and collect them in the form of a book. Moreover, for a momentous text like the Qur'an that is the last Divine Book, only this much precaution was taken that whoever brought the verses would get them entered in the presence of two witnesses. Of course, the events of the exclusion of the verse relating to the relationship with foster mother (ayah riza’at) and the disqualification, due to lack of one witness, of the verse relating to stoning to death (ayah rijm) brought by Omar are also part of the lore of the Qur'an’s compilation. We feel that those who have the slightest idea about the seminal position of the Qur'an in the cultural life of Madina during the Prophet’s time, and those who have studied it with open eyes to know how about this Divine text Allah exhorts people to exercise care and caution, to be aware of its its grandeur, to read it in the last quarter of the night, how Allah further characterises it as كتاب مستور فى رق منشور, promises to protect it by asserting – اناله لحافظونand انا علينا جمعه وقرآنه and says, with reference to His Prophet – رسول من الله يتلو صحفا مطهرة would find it difficult to believe in the fabricated tale of compiling the text of the Qur'an from the scattered pieces of wood, bones, planks etc. during the period of Abu Bakr’s caliphate.
Then there are numerous such contradictions in these reports that conflict with other reports in the same collections of hadiths. One has to understand the fact that the social environment at both Mecca and madina during the Prophet’s time was a developed one as far as the writing materials were concerned. There is evidence that this society had a highly developed taste for literature, particularly poetry. The wide popularity of qasidas in the Age of Jahiliya, their public recitation, and the sab’ muallaqat i.e. seven hangings (of poetic compositions) on the walls of Ka’ba have been recorded in history in considerable details. There is no dearth of such reports in the books of exegesis that contain evidence of the writing practice during the Prophet’s period. For example, the written pages of Divine Revelation is said to have had a key role Omar’s acceptance of Islam. His sister and her husband were reading it when Omar entered the room, and they tried to hide it from him. But he insisted on reading it after which, it is said, the seeds of Islam were sown in his heart. Though I do not consider this event to be authentic, but it has been recorded profusely in reliable books of traditions that contain the account of the compilation of the Qur'an during the time of Abu Bakr. The Prophet’s general instruction about the Qur'an that it is doubly virtuous to read it from the written pages than from memory is known to everyone. قرأة الرجل فى غير المصحف الف درجة وقرآته فى المصحف تضاعف على ذلك الفى درجة.…. Then his instruction that one should not travel in the enemy country taking the Divine Text with him has remained a subject of debate among the innovative jurists (Ijtehadi fuqaha). ان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم نهى أن يسافر بالقرآن الى أرض العدو.…(“Kitab Al-Jihad”, Bukhari). It has been reported by the same Zayd bin Sabit in Bukhari that -- كناعند رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم نؤلف القرآن من الرقاع…. Then in the Prophet’s time a considerable number of such calligraphists had emerged who were busy writing down the Qur'an day and night. When they were invaded by doubts as to whether it would be proper for them to accept any remuneration for this work they approached the Prophet, who said – أحق ما أخذتم عليه أجرا كتاب الله تعالى. … that confirmed the validity and desirability of this profession. This tradition is also present in Bukhari through Ibn Abbas.
As we have mentioned, even before the advent of Islam, the culture of reading and writing was prevalent in the Age of Jahiliya. Madina and its environs were inhabited by the people of the Book who, because they were having the Divine Text amongst them, considered themselves superior to other people. And, after the advent of Islam that began with the instruction, “Read” (iqra’), acquiring education took the aspect of a social revolution. The fact that the prisoners of war after the battle of Badr were awarded the penalty of teaching the children of Madina point to the fact that the newly established Muslim society at Madina had a strong culture of reading and writing. Zayd bin Sabit who has been presented in Bukhari as the most skilful copyist of the Qur'an provides a shining example of this culture. Seeing his great talent, the Prophet had advised him to learn Siryani. It is said that the Prophet took his services in his correspondence with other people of the Book, and around seven or eight hijra era, he acquired the distinction of being the copyist of the Divine Revelation. In an environment where acquiring education was treated as a social duty, it is difficult to accept the thesis that the compilation of the Quranic text had to depend solely on those who committed it to memory or those who recorded it casually and chaotically on pieces of objects lying about here and there.
We think that this fabricated account regarding the compilation of the Qur'an is a latter-day invention that is not consistent even with the details provided by the narrators of this account. Even if it is accepted that as a consequence of the battle of Imama Omar had, for the first time, the apprehension of the loss of the Quranic Text, and as it is recorded in some reports contained in Itqaan that when he enquired about some particular Quranic verses and was told that those who knew the verses were killed in the battle, he was greatly shocked, and impressed upon Abu Bakr the urgency of compiling the Quranic Text, telling him that if they did not do so, a greater part of the Quranic Text might well be lost, one finds many inconsistencies in this account when one compares it with the actual historical event. First, if the task of the compilation of the Qur'an had been done at the initiative of Omar, the status of the compiler of the Qur'an should have been enjoyed by Omar, or the Caliph of the period, i.e., Abu Bakr. Othman had merely instructed that additional copies be made of the Hafsa version of the Text compiled by Zayd. Then it passes understanding as to why the person who merely issued instruction for additional copies should be credited with the title of the compiler of the Divine Text, but those at whose initiative the (Abu Bakr) Siddiqui Version (or, Hafsa version) was prepared should be given no credit at all in this momentous task. The part of this narrative that has been recorded in Kitab Al-Ahkaam mentions that Khuzaima or Abu Khuzaima possessed two verses of Surah Tauba, about which there are other reports that claim that Omar took the innovative decision to incorporate them at the end of Surah Tauba saying that if there were three verses then he would have made a separate surah out of them. As there were only two verses, he instructed them to be appended at the end of surah Tauba. As a matter of fact, some reports also claim that – فالحقتهافى سورتها …., i.e., Zayd bin Sabit knew about the exact location or placement of the verses and he placed them in their appropriate/original position, while there are other reports that do not make any such claim. Apart from this, there is one report that mentions the lack of availability of one verse, and another report that mentions the absence of two verses. Then, if Zayd bin Sabit knew the proper placement of the verses, to blame Omar for placing them according to his own better judgment is such a glaring contradiction as has made this tradition suspect in the eyes of the scholars of the Prophetic traditions.
The most important thing about this tradition is that it is narrated through singular chains of transmission (khabar-e ahad) , in the idiom of the exegetical scholarship, and some of its transmitters have been known to be extremely unreliable: Zayd bin Sabit’s narration of the report through Ubaid bin Al-Sabaq and that of Zahri’s report. In other words, in the span of one hundred years, this extremely important event relating to the compilation of the Qur'an has reached us only through the reports of these three narrators! As a matter fact, if the task of compiling the Qur'an had really been completed during Abu Bakr’s lifetime, it would have been known to everyone as an extremely important event in the history of Islam, and not reduced to the lone reports of only three people, for a hundred years. Then, even among the reports of these three, it seems beyond the realm of possibility for Abeed bin Al-Sabaq, who was known to have been born in 50 H.E., to have reported it from Zayd who died in 48 H.E. In other words, it cannot be said to be true to chronology. Then this fact also defies explanation as to why, during the reign of Abu Bakr, only Zayd bin Sabit was entrusted with this onerous task, when there were more skilful and more experienced copyists of Divine Revelation available in Madina. Zayd bin Sabit who had learnt copying from the prisoners of the battle of Badr had certainly the fame of a rising copyist of some talent, but in the presence of more experienced copyists of Divine Revelation, it does not seem quite intelligible as to why only he was relied upon for copying the Quranic Text. It is clear from history that there were quite a few among the Prophet's Companions who carried out this responsibility of copying down Quranic verses from time to time, and who certainly had a greater reputation as the copyists of the Quranic verses. In the books of history, including Ibn sa’d, Tabari and others, one finds the following names among the Prophet's Companions who had considerable reputation as copyists of the Divine Revelation: Omar, Abu Bakr, Othman, Ali, Abi bin Ka’b, Abdullah bin Abi Sar’h, Zubair bin Awam, Khalid bin Sa’id bin Al-Aaas, Aban bin Sa’id bin al Aas, Hanzala ibn Al-Rabi’, Mu’yaqb bin Abi Fatima, Abdullah bin Arqam Al-Zahri, Sharahbin bin Hasna, Abdullah bin Rawaha, Amir bin Faheera, Umr bin Al-Aas, Sabit bin Qais bin Shamas, Mugheera bin Sha’ba, Khalid bin Walid, Muawiya bin Abu Sufiyan, Zayd bin Sabit (Zad Al-Ma’ad Al-Ibn Al-Qeem, Matba’ Maiminiya, Egypt, vol. 1, p. 30). We should also keep in mind that this task of compilation of the Qur'an was the most important task in Zayd bin Sabit’s life and a great honour for him. How could he have narrated this great event only to Abeed bin Sabaq who was said to have been born two years after his death? And Abeed bin Sabaq narrates it only to Shahab Zahri who, through his disciples, makes this event a part of our common knowledge. We have already pointed out earlier that the list of martyrs of the battle of Imama that has reached us through Ibn Aseer and other books of history does not contain the name of any other reputed qari except that of Salim Maula Abi Huzaifa. So, there was no valid reason as to why Omar should be unduly alarmed about the possibility of the extinction of the Qur'an. This totally fabricated story made its apperance a hundred years after the event of the Prophet’s migration from Mecca. It begins through Shahab Zahri, or these accounts have wrongly been attributed to him. This should also be made clear that many of the traditions relating to the dispute among Prophet's Companions about the Caliphate or that cast aspersions on the holy characters of the members of the Prophet’s family emanate from Zahri, that cannot be considered authentic by any means. For a debate on the art of testing the traditions through the scrutiny of antecedents (rijal) regarding these traditions in Bukhari. Tarikh Al-Qur’an by Mufti Abdul Latif Rahmani and Jam’a Al-Qur’an by Tamanna Imadi have produced incontrovertible evidence, particularly the latter which is of crucial importance as far as the debate of rijal is concerned.
[28] See the chapter, “Rida Al-Kabeer”, Sanan Ibn Maja
[29] For a scholarly discussion on this issue, see, “Bahas Mafrooza Ayah Rajm” in Tamanna Imadi, Jama’ Al-Qura’n, Karachi, 1994
[30] Even though Ibn Kathir expressed a favourable view of Ibn Mas’ud as he could have had a different opinion about these two known surahs of the Qur'an, other than the consensus arrived at by the Prophet's Companions regarding them. But he has not produced any evidence regarding this. Thinking this, Abdullah bin Mas’ud must have held the same opinion. Among the new exegetes, Abul Ala Maududi has made this fabricated tradition the basis of his premise that the Prophet's Companions are not immune from mistakes and criticism. Rather than making such serious allegations against a reputed companion of the Prophet like Abdullah bin Masu’d it would have been more reasonable if the reporters were subjected to scrutiny and correction. That they were practising falsehood is evident in the books of rijal. But as the exegetical literature largely followed the tradition of imitating the Predecessors it could not be expected normally that a fresh interpretation would throw some new light on the understanding of the Qur'an. The detailed note on mauzatain by Abul Ala Maududi which marks the zenith of his career as an exegete, cannot, by any measure, be called an improvement on the understanding of the Predecessors. First, the events that were described in the ancient books of exegesis and reports regarding the Prophet’s being under the influence of black magic have been accepted by Abul Ala Maududi without any critical scrutiny, although if one applies the minimum standard of the conventional parameters of testing a report, or even on the parameters of intellectualism, these fanciful accounts can be proved to be unreliable . To claim that black magic had any effect on the Prophet is an allegation of serious proportions. And then to say that he was under its impact for six months or a year, and, in the words of Abul Ala Maududi, when he got out of its impact, “it was exactly as though someone was tied up and then released,” is to cast aspersion not only on the person of the Prophet but on the status of Apostleship as well. The internal evidence contained in the Qur'an makes it loud and clear that mauzatain are among those surahs revealed in Mecca where, in small and cryptic sentences, we have been told about different aspects of Allah’s Unity (tauheed). The supposed incident related to black magic is said to have occurred in 7 H.E. which, according to these reports, took place in Madina. To explain this contradiction, Abul Ala Maududi, like the old commentators, took resort to the long-drawn process of tatbeeq, and reached the conclusion that several surahs of the Qur'an could have been revealed more than once, and that it could also be true that it had been revealed in Mecca but its special potency regarding black magic could have been communicated to the Prophet after the “black magic event” in Madina. We feel that only those who do not properly understand the grandeur of Divine Revelation and recognise the personality of the Prophet can entertain such notions that the same Divine message could be revealed twice, first without a recipe for its use and second, with it. After all, what kind of a Prophet he would be (we seek Allah’s refuge from such abominations) who, despite the presence of verses that acted as antidote to black magic, did not know how to use the potentials in them (as claimed by these reports) at the most opportune moment? In the exegetical footnotes of mauzatain, Abul Ala Maududi also, like the earlier commentators, have included all these reports that have made it difficult to access these verses directly. It was also claimed that the potentiality of these verses extends beyond the Qur'an to the Torah and the Old Testament. In the words of Abul Ala Maududi, “It has been known that it is permissible for the people of the Book to read from the Torah and the Old Testament to drive away black magic.” Moreover, he has recorded a report by Abu Sa’id Khadri in such approving terms that it provides justification for claiming remuneration for driving away black magic. The reported story runs as follows: Once the Prophet had sent some individuals in an expedition. On their way, they came by an Arab tribe whose members refused them any hospitality. In the meanwhile, the chief of the tribe was stung by a scorpion, and the people of the tribe sought help in the form of medicine or charms from these visitors. Abu Sa’id agreed to treat the person on the condition that as a remuneration the people of the tribe must pay him a flock of sheep. It is said in the report that Abu Sa’id began to read surah Fateha while massaging the spot with his saliva. Soon, the poison lost its effect. When the Prophet was asked if it was all right to charge remuneration for the task, he smiled and said, “Take the sheep and mark my share in them as well”. On the one hand, Abul Ala Maududi takes this story to be reliable, on the other hand he forbids practitioners of charms and black magic to seek justification in this report for their practice. We feel that such incidents amount to casting aspersions on the Prophet’s character. He was a man of sublime morals. It does not stand to reason that he would eat from the wealth earned through unlawful means. Such reports cannot be trusted even if they have been recorded in reliable books of tradition Then, to attribute it to the Prophet of Allah that he said on the occasion – ان احق ما اخذته عليه اجرا كتاب الله.…., i.e., you were quite within your rights to accept remuneration for reading out from Allah’s Book It was, in fact, providing justification for the business of those people who use the verses of the Quran to cure the diseases through incantation. It was against the act of earning one’s livelihood through the means disliked by Islam. In sum, the exegetical literature that has come down to us from the Predecessors has transformed the verses relating to Allah’s Unity (tauheed) into verses of black magic in such a way that even those commentators who are critical of black magic cannot realise that they have, in fact, become advocates of deen-e Tabari rather than deen-e Qur’ani. And that they are constantly being drawn into this quagmire of exegetical footnotes and conflicting and contradictory reports, so much so that any effort to get out of it pulls them back into the bog ineluctably.
[31] See, chapters on “Fazailul Qur’an” , Bukhari, before the chapters on “Fazail Al-Qur’an”. Such reports about Abi bin Ka’b and Abdullah bin Mas’ud can be found in Tafsir Ibn Kathir and Masnad Ahmad.
[32] See, Kanzul ‘Amal, p. 279. Cf. Nisai, Kitab Al-Masahif, Ibn Abi Dawood, Mustadrak Hakim etc. op. cit
[33] Kanz al-Ammal, vol. 1, p. 178
[34] Tirmizi, vol. 2, p. 117, Muslim I, p. 274
[35] حدثنى عبد الله بن محمد حدثنا سفيان عن عمرو عن ابن عباس رضى الله عنهما قال كانت عكاظ ومجنة وذوالمجاز أسواقا فى الجاهلية فلماكان الاسلام فكأنهم تأثموا فيه فنزلت (ليس عليكم جناح أن تبتغوا فضلا من ربكم) فى مواسع الحج. قرأها ابن عباس.…. (Fathul Bari, vol. 4, p. 338, Hadith no. 2050, “Kitab Al-Bayu”)
[36] Tamanna Imadi, Jama’ Al-Qur’an, p. 92, op. cit
[37] Al-Itqan, vol. 1, p. 132
Similarly, regarding the chopping off the right hand of thieves, the judgment of the ulama, in fact, is derived from the verse attributed to Abdullah bin Mas’ud in a distorted version where – والسارق والسارقة فاقطعوا ايدهما….was sought to be replaced by “ايمانهما” (ref. Sahih Muslim). Such distorted verses have influmenced our exegetical and juristic thinking to a considerable extent. The impact of the statement attributed to Sa’d bin Waqas – قرأت وله اخ او اخت من ام فلكل … can be felt in our juristic thinking related to inheritance. Some scholars have also shown the audacity to assert that a deviant version (qirat) which they call “qirat-e shaza” can be more helpful than the original verses in untying the web of meaning. [See, Abul Baqa’ Al-Akbari (d. 616 H.E.), املا ما من به الرحمن من وجوه الاعراب والقراءة فى جميع القرآن Cairo, 1341 H.E.]. Sometimes, these alternative versions were considered to be helpful in enhancing the presige of scholars. For example, the version attributed to Omar bin Abdul Aziz – انما يخشى الله من عباده العلماء… (the word ‘Allah’ is subject and “al-Ulama’ is object; ref. Tafseer Qartabi, vol. 14, p. 220) Zarkashi was constrained to take “khashiyat” to mean ‘honour’ or ‘kindness’ and not ‘fear’. According to Zarkashi (Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 377) any statement by a reputed Companion of the Prophet needed to be given precedence, and that such statements are helpful in the elucidation and interpretation of the Quranic verses.
[38] Kanz al-Ammal, reported by Ibn Shahab Zahri, quoted in Jama’ Al-Qur’an, p. 102, op. cit
[39] Bukhari, reported by Shahb Zahri, under the heading of “Tafsir Surrah Barah”
[40] Tirmizi, vol. 2, p. 137, quoted in Jama’ Al-Qur’an, p. 37, op. cit
[41] Bukhari, reported by Shahb Zahri, ibid. p. 49
[42] Kanz al-Ammal, vol. 1, p. 280, ibid., p. 101
[43] Tirmizi, Hadith Al-Zahri, ibid., p. 37
[44] Itqan, vol. 1, p. 165, op. cit
[45] Tirmizi, quoted in Jama’ Al-Qur’an, p. 99
[46] Ibn Abi Dawood, Ibn Asakar, quoted in Jama’ Al-Qur’an, p. 101
[47] Ibn Hajr, Fathul Bari, chapter, “ Jama’ Al-Qur’an”
[48] Kanz al-Ammal, reported by Ibn Abi Dawood and Ibn Al-Anbari, quoted in Jama’ Al-Qur’an, pp. 105-106
[49] Report by Ayisha, “Kitab Al-Rida’” Muslim; same in Nisai
[50] It is commonly asserted in books of commentaries and biography of the Prophet that the Prophet did not know reading and writing. If the Prophet can be proved to be alienated from pen and paper, then oral transmission remains the only means for disseminating the Quranic message. Human memory, however retentive and powerful it may be, is always liable to error. That is why it would not have been considered desirable to depend on only oral retention for the preservation of a profound blessing like the Qur'an. We feel that for an individual of the Prophet’s stature, it is not only insulting to be branded as illiterate, but also such a notion runs counter to the Quranic concept where it has been asseted that, among the written books, the Prophet is capable of reading the Qur'an and writing the verses down: كنت تتلوا من قبله من كتاب ولا تخطه بيمينك ما (Al- Ankaboot: 48), i.e. “before attaining Prophethood you were not capable of reading nor could you write anything with your own hand.” The misconception that the Prophet was illiterate spread because of the wrong interpretation of the word “ummi”, that has been generally taken by scholars and exegete to mean illiterate. As a matter of fact, on several occasions in the Qur'an the word “umm” points to “ummul qari”. Referring to the Israelites, the Qur'an states that they are untrustworthy, they do not return what is kept in their custody; it also states about the polytheists of Mecca that – ليس علينا فى الاميين سبيل…(Aale Imran: 75). Referring to the Prophet, the Qur'an states in surah “Jum’a”: هوالذى بعث فى الاميين رسولا منهم يتلوا عليهم آياته ويزكيهم ويعلمهم الكتاب والحكمة…(Al-Jum’a: 2). It is Allah who appointed a Prophet among the inhabitants of Mecca who reads out verses of Allah to them. If the Prophet of the Meccans were illiterate, how could he read out verses to them? At another place it is stated: وقل للذين اوتوالكتاب والأميين أأسلمتم…(Aale Imran: 20), i.e. “ask those who have been given the Book and those who live in Mecca whether they accept Islam?” In this context, the unlettered people that are being referred to along with the people of the Book certainly points to the fact that the people of the Book address others, i.e., those Arabs who were not among the people of the Book, particularly the descendants of Ismail, as “ummi”. It does not imply that the persons so addressed are illiterate, but that they do not have the honour of being included among the people of the Book. It is historically true that the people of the Book considered themselves superior to the Arab polytheists who had no sacred book given to them. Even if one extends the meaning of the word “ummi” it might be taken to mean those people whose cultural and historical inheritance is devoid of any direction from a Divine Text. But it is surprising that for a guide to humanity about whose capability of reading and writing the Qur'an makes categorical pronouncements has been rendered illiterate by our exegetes. الذين يتبعون الرسول النبى الأمى الذى يجدونه مكتوبا عندهم فى التوراة والانجيل ….(Al-A’raf: 157), or فآمنواباالله ورسوله النبى الأمى الذى يؤمن بالله وكلماته…. ….(Al-A’raf: 158). On all such occasions, Allah appreciates the Prophet and asserts his purity, addresses him as “ألنبى الأمى”. But the translators and commentators have always taken the word to mean illiterate, and they considered it a great compliment for the Prophet. This notion had unintended consequences for the Prophet’s followers some of whom began to think that if the Prophet himself was illiterate, then illiteracy was no evil, but could even be a blessing and an honour. When Allah addresses the Prophet as “ألنبى الأمى” with the objective of enhancing his honour, how could anyone say that illiteracy was an evil! As a matter of fact, as evident from historical facts, employing the prisoners of war in the battle of Badr to teach the children of Madina asa a penalty is by itself demonstrative of the fact that reading and writing were highly valued among the followers of the Prophet. But those who insisted on presenting the Prophet as illiterate found it easy to project the view that for the Prophet’s acolytes illiteracy was a virtue and that knowledge is a “great veil” (hijab-e akbar). We feel that the notion that the Prophet was illiterate is the handiwork of exegetical and interpretive literature in Islam.
One tradition recorded by Bukhari from Asud bin Qaid Al-haqqi seems to have played a key role in transforming “al-nabi al-ummi” to the “illiterate Prophet”. It runs as follows: أنا امة امية لا نكتب ولا نحسب الشهر هكذا وهكذا هكذا وعقد الايام فى الثالثة والشهرهكذا و هكذا هكذا.…. This tradition, available through different sources, had Asud bin Qaid Al-haqqi as its original reporter who recorded it with reference to Omar bin Sa’id and Abdullah bin Omar. The image of the Prophet projected by this tradition is that of a person who was illiterate and had no knowledge of the three R’s, and a member of a community that was ignorant and illiterate, whose members counted the days of the month on their fingers. This is the image that has effectively transformed “al-nabi al-ummi” to the “illiterate Prophet”. Firstly, this tradition has been reported by a person who is known to have been extremely unreliable, and who had a penchant for creating discord and disputes. It is said that Asud bin Qaid Al-haqqi was at the vanguard of those who had come from Kufa to participate in the uprising against Othman. This is as far as the reputation of the transmitter is concerned. Secondly, to characterise the community of the Prophet as illiterate is a notion that flies directly in the face of historical facts and the assertions of the Qur'an. On the one hand, this tradition states that the Prophet did not know how to count even up to 30, and that even the entire community of Bani Ismail counted the days of the month on their fingers. On the other hand, in the Qur'an the references to numbers from one to one lakh, and in the ayah Warasat (verses on Inheritance) the occurrence of words such as ‘half’, ‘third’, ‘fourth’ ‘fifth’ etc. point to the fact that not only the Prophet but also the community to which he belonged were both quite familiar with the knowledge of numbers. Otherwise, how a Prophet who did not have the knowledge of the primary numbers could have discharged the responsibility of resolving complex computation? As to the question whether members of the Quraish tribe were illiterate, numerous arguments can be adduced to prove conclusively that they were not. The refrences to their sophisticated taste in poetry, their familiarity with calligraphy, the seven celebrated hangings ( sab’ muallaqat) on the walls of Ka’ba, the prisoners of war teaching the children of Madina, the instructions to believers in the Qur'an to write down buiseness transactions for the sake of clarity, the written treaty between the Prophet when he entered the city and the people of Madina, and many other such instances falsify the claim made by this tradition. Interpreting “ummi” as “illiterate” is a fabrication of the enemies of Islam. It cannot be corroborated by the internal evidence contained in the Qur'an and the authentic history of the period.
[51] See, Itqan (Urdu), vol. 1, p. 163, op. cit. For Ibn Abbas’ report, see Masnad Ahmad, Abu Dawood, Tirmizi, Nisai, Ibn Haban and Hakim.
[52] Ibid. p. 165
[53] Kanz al-Ammal, vol. 1, p. 280
[54] “Kitab Al-tabyan”, quoted in Muhammad Ajmal Khan, Tartib Nuzool Qur’an Karim, Allahabad, 1941, p. 8
[55] It is said that Abdullah bin Mas’ud’s version was different from Othman’s version. According to reporters, surah Nisa occurred first in this version, followed by surah Aale Imran. (Itqan, vol. 1, p. 66). Sayuti has recorded the Ibn Mas’understand’s entire textual arrangement through Ibn Ashtah, which is quite different from the version by Othman.
[56] “Kitab Al-tabyan”, quoted in Ajmal Khan, op, cit p. 8
[57] The following are the actual words of Imam Ibn Taimiya’s edict:
وقد قال شيخ الاسلام تقى الدين احمد بن رحمة الله تعالى. ان ترتيب السور بالاجتهاد لابالنص فى قول جمهور العلماء من الحنابلة والمالكية والشافعية فيجوزقراءة هذه قبل هذه وكذا فى الكتابته ولهذا تنوعت مصاحف الصحابة فى كتابتها. نفى لما اتفاقوا على المصحف فى زمن عثمان رضى الله عنه صار هذا مماسنه الخلفاء الراشدون وقد دل الحديث على ان لهم سنة يجب اتباعها. وواضح كل الوضوح ان محل اتباع هذه السنة التى يجب اتباعها. انما هو فى كتابته المصحف الذى يكون للتلاوة لافى كتابة تفسير وشرح لمعانى الآيات والسورالكريمته فان ذلك غير داخل فى موضوع اختلاف العلماء اوراتفاقهم اطلاقا. بل هم فيما روى متفقون على سواغيته وجوازه.…………
[58] Muhammad Ajmal Khan, p. 9, op. cit
[59] Wafiyat Al-a’yaan, vol. 1, p. 125, Cairo, 1310 H.E.
[60] It is said about Ibn Ziyad that he entrusted this work to a man of Persian origin that he should write an ‘alif’ at all places in the Qur'an where any word had been deleted. Thus, according to Ibn Abi Dawood, two thousand such errors were rectified. (See, Ibn Abi Dawood, Kitab Al-Masahif)
[61] , Ibn Abi Dawood has recorded it in Kitab Al-Masahif with reference to Abi Jamila that Hajjaj bin Yusuf Saqafi had made changes at eleven places in the Othmanic version. For details, see the above book.
[62] See, Ibn Khalkan, Tazkarah Hajjaj bin Yusuf, p. 24
[63] Sayuti has also included Hasan Basari in this list. In this way, another name is added among the latter (mutakhkhirin). See, Itqan, vol. 2, p. 419, op. cit
[64] Al-Burhan, vol. 1, pp. 250-51
[65] In the words of Omar bin Abdul Aziz, “if the followers of other prophets come together and present the sinners of their times and if we only present Hajjaj, then by God, they would be no match for him.” (Quoted in Shibli Nomani, Sirat Nomani, Part I, p. 24, Maktaba Burhan, 1956.
[66] See, Ibn Al-Jazri, النشر فى القرآت العشر vol. 1, p. 32
[67] It is said that Gabriel, in the final round of the reading of the entire Qur’an, included Zayd bin Sabit also. (Fathul Bari, quoted in Tarjuma Qur’an, Introduction by Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanavi, p. 4). Also see, Al-Itqan, vol. 1, p. 132, op. cit
[68] To contradict this view, Tamanna Imadi has undertaken a detailed discussion in his book, Jama’ Al-Qur’an. He has endeavoured to demonstrate, with the help of signs and evidence, that no single script or style of calligraphy can contain within itself different readings or differences in an even-handed manner. See, Tamanna Imadi, Jama’ Al-Qur’an, pp. 288-290, op. cit
[69] Ibid. p. 283
[70] For example, Abul Ala Maududi holds the view that the Othmanic Quranic version was devoid of points (nuqtah), and diacritical marks, he considers that it contains within itself all the seven levels (سبعة احرف). See, Tarjumanul Qur’an, Monthly, No. 3, June 1959. Among the ancients, Qazi Abu Bakr Baqelani is among the first adherents of the view that the seven levels are preserved in the Othmanic version. See, Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 224
[71] Allama Badruddin Aini, Umdah Al- Qari, Kitab Al-Hazumat, Vol. 12, p. 258
[72] Tafsir Tabari, vol. 1, p. 15
[73] Moses’ vision of God in Mount Sinai has been described as follows: “And all the people perceived the thundering and the lightning and the voice of the horn and the mountain smoking.” (Exodus 20:18)
Zohar has stressed the following point while elucidating these verses:
“divine words were imprinted on the darkness of the cloud that enveloped the real presence of God, so that
Zohar has also expressed this thought that every letter contained seventy voices, on which basis there could be seventy interpretations of the Divine revelation. Probably, this is the thought that has crept into our Islamic literature through the fabricated tradition of انزل القرآن على سبعة احرف. For more details, see, Leo Schyaya, The Universal Meaning of the Kabbalah, London, 1971, p. 16
[74] The following are said to be the words of the tradition: كان الكتاب الاول ينزل من باب واحد على حرف واحد ونزل القرآن من سبعة ابواب على سبعة احرف زاجر وآمروحلال وحرام ومحكم ومتشابه وامثال الخ. ….. (Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 216, and Al-Itqan, vol. 1, p. 128
[75] Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 220
[76] Tafsir Tabari, vol. 1, p. 10
[77] Al-Itqan, vol. 1, p. 122; similar other examples have also been given, for example, ربنا باعد بين اسفارنا ربنا باعد بين اسفارنا. was read…
[78] Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 222. It has been recorded that when Imam Malik was asked as to which one among ‘yalamun’ and ‘ta’lamun’ was correct, he replied that both were correct. The reporter says that people had their own texts (versions) and they read both. Another example of this kind is –الى العظام كيف ننشزها وانظرا…. (Al-Baqara: 259) which was read with ‘nunsharuha’ , i.e., with ‘ra’ in place of ‘za’. (Ahmad Miyati, اتحاف فضلا البشرفى القرأة اربعة عشر, p. 162)
[79] Al-Itqan, vol. 1, p. 79
[80] Ibid., p. 122
[81] Ibid., p. 121
[82] Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 22
[83] Al-Itqan, Urdu, Vol. 1, p. 123
[84] Ibid., p. 122
[85] Al-Burhan, vol. 1, p. 336
[86] the misconception about the tradition regarding “سبعة احرف” as being a reputed one having a continuous chain of transmitters thrived because of an event recorded for the first time by Abu Ya’la Mausli (d. 207 H.E.) in his book, المسند الكبير. As a result of constant reporting and copying by people it had assumed a dimension of a ‘continuous’ tradition. The event has been described as follows: Once, during his discourse from the pulpit in the Prophet’s mosque, Othman had declared “I want all those who have heard the tradition regarding ‘ سبعة احرفfrom the Prophet himself to swear by Allah.” In reply such a large number of the Prophet's Companions stood up to bear witness to the tradition that it was difficult to count them. At this Othman said, “I have also heard the tradition from the Prophet.” In this event, the fact that a large number of the Prophet's Companions stood up right in the Prophet’s mosque presented such a spectacle that could be cited as an evidence of the tradition being authentic and continuous. However, if one investigates into the real incident, the entire account will be found to fall in the category of “artificial continuity” (tawatur masnu’i). One thing, the account of so many of the Prophet's Companions standing up to bear witness regarding this tradition comes to us for the first time in the 3rd century H.E. through the writing of an author. Apart from this, reliable books of history and reports are devoid of any reference to this event, so much so that the editors of Sahah also do not make any reference to this significant event. Of course, they have recorded this tradition in their books from other sources. Thus, there seems to be no reason why they should ignore this event of collective corroboration by the Prophet's Companions. One comes across references to this discourse by Othman in the books of reports wherein he stressed the importance of removing the prevalent disagreements regarding the Quranic Text, at the time of victory in
First of all, it must be pointed out that Shahab Zahri figures in the chain of transmitters of both the reports regarding “سبعة احرف” in Bukhari. His unreliability as a transmitter may not have been apparent to the compilers of Sahah Sitta but the later researches have cast serious doubts on him. We have already drawn attention to the fact that in the books of traditions Shahab Zahri remains the main source of many of the controversial traditions such as those related to compilation of the Qur'an, disagreements about different kinds of reading (qir’at), the abrogator and the abrogated, Ayisha’s (un)chastity (ifk), mutual disagreement among the Prophet's Companions, the supposed bickering between Abu Bakr and Ali, and so on and so forth. Being a member of Zahra tribe, known for its unruly behaviour and mischief-making, he became famous as ‘Zahri’; however, people commonly thought him to be a member of Quraish tribe or from Madina, and because of this supposed cultural lineage and his supposed spatial proximity with the Prophet scholars of traditions regarded his reports as being reliable. But it has been written very clearly in “Tahzeeb Al-Tahzeeb” – كان الزهرى يكون بايلا وللزهرى هناك ضيعة وكان يكتب عنه هناك الماجثون…, i.e., Zahri lived in Ila, he had property there and from there he wrote the traditions under the name, Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah bin Abi Salma al-Majithun. In the context of the compilation of the Qur'an, Zahri has referred to Abdullah bin Mas’ud’s frustration for not being included in the committee formed for compiling the Qur'an, and that he spread the word among the people of Kufa that in comparison with Zayd bin Sabit he was far more deserving of this honour. Rather, according to a report in Tirmizi, he was in favour of keeping intact the older text and instructed people to keep it hidden, presenting the following verse in support of his view – ومن يغلل يات بما غل يوم القيامة ثم توفى كل نفس ما كسبت وهم لا يظلمون… (Aale Imran: 16), though, as a matter of fact, this verse warns people against hiding the Quranic Text. Not only that the traditions attributed to Shahab Zahri cast aspersions on the characters of the Prophet's Companions, but he can be said to have been responsible for distortion of meaning, if it is proved for a fact that these traditions have really been reported by him. (Quoted in Tamanna Imadi, Jama’ Al-Qur’an, p. 239). As he was among the early compilers of the traditions, scholars of traditions have given him considerable importance. This could have been also for the reason that they wrongly took him to be an inhabitant of Madina, thus enjoying spatial proximity with the Prophet.
Now we may turn attention to the inconsistencies found in these traditions and decide for ourselves how reliable they can be. The following is the text of the hadith recorded in Bukhari through Ibn Abbas: حدثنا سعيد بن عفير قال حدثنى عقيل عن ابن شهاب حدثنى عبيد الله بن عبيد الله أن ابن عباس رضى الله عنهما حدثه أن رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم قال: أقرأنى جبريل على حرف فراجعته فلم أزل أستزيده ويزيدنى حتى انتهى الى سبعة أحرف.….
(“Fazail Al-Qur’an”, Fathul Bari, vol. 8, p. 639, hadith no. 4991)
The second tradition has been recorded through Omar and contains a detailed account of the incidents involving Hisham bin Hakim: حدثنا سعيد بن عفير قال حدثنى الليث حدثنى عقيل عن ابن شهاب قال حدثنى عروة بن الزبير أن المسور بن مخرمة وعبدالرحمن بن عبدالقارى حدثاه أنهما سمعا عمر بن الخطاب يقول سمعت هشام بن حكيم يقرأ سورة الفرقان فى حياة رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم فاستمعت لقراء ته فاذا هو يقرأ على حروف كثيرة لم يقرءنيها رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم. فكدت أساوره فى الصلاة فتصبرت حتى سلم فلببته بردانه فقلت: من أقراك هذه السورة التى سمعتك تقرأ؟ قال: أقرانيها رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم فقلت: كذبت فان رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم قد أقرانيها على غير ما قرأت. فانطلقت به أقوده الى رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم فقلت: انى سمعت هذا يقرأ بسورة الفرقان على حروف لم تقرءنيها. فقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: أرسله اقرأ ياهشام. فقرأ عليه القراءة التى سمعته يقرأ فقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: كذالك أنزلت. ثم قال: اقرأ يا عمر. فقرأت للقرء ة التى اقرأنى فقال رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم: كذلك أنزلت أن هذالقرآن أنزل على سبعة أحرف فاقرأوا ماتيسر منه.…
(“Fazail Al-Qur’an”, Fathul Bari, vol. 8, p. 639-640, hadith no. 4992)
If one studies these two traditions, one feels that Omar had taken Hisham bin Hakim to the Prophet to resolve the dispute regarding the reading/s of the Qur'an. This was an issue that basically arose from Hisham’s disagreement about the reading of the Qur'an, and the hadith regarding “sab’ ahraf” is said to be a response to this. In Sahih Musim, this event has been reported through Abi bin Ka’b, as follows: Abi bin Ka’b was in the mosque when he heard someone reciting the Qur'an during salat that he felt to be different from the way it was normally recited. Shortly, another person entered the mosque and he recited it in another manner. Ka’b took both of them to the Prophet and mentioned their different readings of the Qur'an. The Prophet heard both the reciters separately and appreciated both of them. This incident created serious doubts in Ka’b’s mind about the Prophet’s genuineness. According to these reports, the Prophet could understand Ka’b’s state of mind and thumped his chest that sent him reeling and he felt as though he was having a vision of Allah. The Prophet reassured Ka’b and said, “I was instructed to read the Qur'an only on one level (haraf). But I appealed to Allah against it, and thus got His permission to read it on two, three, four … even up to seven levels (ahraf).
(Sahih Muslim, vol. 2, p. 390, hadith no, 1787; English translation, Abdul Hamid Siddiqui, Beirut, op. cit)
First, it is difficult to understand whether this incident involved Ka’b or Omar. According to the report in Bukhari, Omar was engaged in salat when Hisham heard him reciting the relevant verse, whereas the reports in Muslim have it that two unknown persons had recited the Qur'an loudly during salat in the mosque. Neither these two persons have been named, nor has it been clarified whether the custom of performing the salat by the Prophet's Companions individually or separately was in vogue in the Prophet’s mosque during his lifetime. If it was an additional prayer (salat nafil) for earning merit, then there was no question of reading the verses aloud; and if it was an obligatory prayer (salat farz), then why did they pray alone, because at least Ka’b was present there when they performed the prayer, and he should have prayed along with them. There are other inconsistencies as well in the traditions pertaining to “sab’ ahraf” that affect their reliability. In Muslim itself, it has been recorded through Abi bin Ka’b that Gabriel had come down to the earth with the permission of “سبعة احرف” at a spot where the pond of Banu Ghaffar was situated. (Sahih Muslim, vol. 2, p. 391, hadith no. 1789; English translation, Abdul Hamid Siddiqui, Beirut). As opposede to this, Tirmizi has recorded it through none other than Abi Ka’b himself that this incident involving Gabriel’s appearance had occurred near the rocks of Marwah. (Ref. Al-Nasr fi Qir’at ‘Ashr, vol 1, p. 20). According to a tradition recorded in Masnad Ahmad, through Abu Bakr, the request to read the Quran on more than one level was done by Michael on behalf of the Prophet, as can be seen here – أن جبريل قال اقرأ القرآن على حرف قال ميكاءيل: استزده حتى بلغ سبعة احرف.…. Those who are adept at reconciling these contradictions among the traditions might very well draw a comprehensive perspective where all these conflicting views could be accommodated, but despite reconciling these contradictions it would be difficult to make a breakthrough as far as the understanding of “سبعة احرف” is concerned. Even after continuous debates and thoughtful and scholarly researches spanning over twelve centuries the ulama are still not in a position to solve the riddle of “سبعة احرف”. Let alone the question of solving the riddle, those who make tall claims regarding their expertise in the art of ‘discrimination’ (tatbeeq) have not yet been successful in presenting an interpretation of this fabricated tradition that would be consistent with their own reports, and that would accept the fact that each letter of the Quran has come from Allah and has remained inviolate.
In the latter part of the tradition from Masnad Ahmad to which an allusion has been made above, it has been said further that one can read the Quran on seven levels as long as he does not replace the verse related to blessings with the verse related to penalty. This hadith goes so far as to assert, through examples, that one can also use synonyms for the original word, for example, as synonyms for “ta’al” one can use “aqbal” “halam”, “azhab”, “asra’” or “ajl” in its place. This gives the impression that the seven levels or “sab’ ahraf” has not come from Allah, but that people have been given permission for these alternative readings of the Quran. There is certainly the caveat that one should not be too liberal in one’s use of synonyms so that a verse related to blessings is changed into a verse related to penalty. If one goes by the tradition recorded in Muslim, the Prophet’s alleged act of sending back Gabriel again and again despite Allah’s clear instruction to read the Quran on one level, extracting more concessions for his followers on the plea that they are weak, or if one goes by the tradition in Tirmizi, the Prophet’s statement to Gabriel that he (the Prophet) has been sent among the unlettered people who include decrepit old men, old women and raw young people who deserved some benevolent treatment, or by another tradition from Tirmizi that make the Prophet say, “I have been sent to a community that had never had any truck with books” – لم يقرأ كتابا قط… --- give one the image of a Prophet who (May Allah save us from such abominations) interferes again and again in Allah’s Will to extract concessions for his followers. How does it behove a Prophet who has been sent down to the world to guide people till the Day of Judgement and whose area of operation extends far beyond Mecca to take issue with Allah’s instructions again and again in an effort to alter them rather than obey them unquestioningly? We feel that this supposed image of the Prophet seems to be a copy of the Israeli prophets who had been entrusted with the task of leading the Israelites and finding their lost sheep. In this context, if one keeps in mind the fabricated event related to the Prophet’s celestial journey during which (it is alleged that), according to the instruction of Moses, he persuaded Allah to reduce the number of daily prayers, it becomes easier to understand how the same Israeli psychology with its specific tone and tenor is active behind all such fabricated traditions that sometimes present the image of Muhammad as a Prophet who was inferior in intellect and experience to Moses, and at other times reduce the international stature of the Prophet to the local environs of Mecca and Medina.
We feel that for dismissing the concept of “سبعة احرف” this argument is enough that it directly harms the concept of the Quran as an immutable text. If the Quran, invested with seven levels, has been reduced to a text with just one level because of the interference by Othman and other companions of the Prophet, then it must be taken as a much inferior text. Conversely, if we accept the view that all the seven levels have been preserved in the script of Othmanic version encompassing dialectal differences, use of vowel points and diacritical marks and other linguistic particularities, it would amount to a wishful thinking and a vast claim that cannot be proved on the crucible of intellection. Further, these trivial claims will also pave the way for distortion in the Qur'anic text. If one wants to have an idea of the dangerous implications inherent in this, he can read Kitab Al-Masahif by Ibn Abi Dawood, which is regarded as a path-breaking book on the subject. The author has shown how the same verse has been reported through different sources and by different companions of the Prophet, that if one begins to believe in these traditions then one is sure to lose faith in the idea of the Quran as an immutable text, each word of which comes from Allah.
Besides this, there is so much inconsistency in different versions of the verses, their past scripts, calligraphy and reading that it is difficult to quantify it. Books like اتحاف الفضلاء البشر فى القرأت اربعة عشر and النشر فى القرأءة العشر seems to have been written with the specific objective of preserving the fabricated verse related to “سبعة احرف” and the disputes surrounding it in the pages of history. The points of disagreement on this issue among known scholars reach close to one lakh, and the disagreements that have acquired the ‘continuous’ status at some stage would also number close to a thousand, according a conservative estimate. As for those people who wished to reduce “سبعة احرف” to seven levels of reading (sab’ qirat), there are references to about ten thousand points of disagreement in their books. The source of all these manufactured and fabricated disagreements is the tradition regarding “سبعة احرف” that had provided justification for change and distortion in the Divine verses. In the light of the dangerous implications of this issue we have just two options – either we take all these reports to be true and declare the current Othmanic Version of the Qur'anic text as the version of Hajjaj bin Yusuf, and also admit the fact that there are some superfluous verses in it, as it is said about the mauzatain on the supposed authority of Abdullah bin Mas’ud; similarly, we also accept facts that the ayah rida’at has been wasted, ayah rajm could not be incorporated in the text, and surah Ahzab could not be had in the complete form because of the martyrdom of some of the Prophet's Companions in the battle of Imama. Otherwise the presence of these fabricated verses in the books of recitation and the existence of the rejected verses in the footnotes of the books of exegesis would keep our scholars, as they had kept Ibn Taimiya, under the delusion that “the non-Othmanic readings gain in importance and they become even necessary when they pertain to matters of sharia or commands (ahkam).” To restore faith in the Quran it is essential that we declare these fabricated verses and fabricated readings available in all kinds of books to be unreliable. It can be possible only when we display the courage to totally dismiss the fabricated tradition of “sab’ ahraf”, at least to preserve the sanctity of the Quran.
[87] See, Tafsir Ibn Jareer
[88] Imam Tahawi, Mushkil Al-Athar, vol. 4, pp. 185-186; Dairatul Ma’rif, Hyderabad, Deccan, 1323 H.E.
[89] Abul Khair Muhammad bin Al-Jazri, النشر فى القرأة العشر, vol. 1, p. 31
[90] Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 18-19
[91] Ibn Hazm, المفصل فى الملل والاهواء والنحل, Baghdad: Maktaba Al-Mashi, vol. 2, pp. 77-78
[92] Abul Walid Al-Baji, Al-Muntafi: Sharah Muatta,
[93] Abu Hamid Ghazali, Al-Mustashfa, Egypt, 1356 H.E., vol. 1, p. 65
[94] Mulla Ali Qari, Marqa Al-Mafatih, Multan, 387 H.E., vol. 5, p. 16
[95] Shah Waliullah, Al-Musaffa, Delhi: Matbua Faruqi, p. 187
[96] Anwar Shah Kashmiri, Faiz Al-Bari, vol. 3, pp. 321-322